Showing posts with label neoliberalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label neoliberalism. Show all posts

8 May 2019

Did the Young Create a New Socialism?


A Review of Liam Young's book "Rise" (2018)

In the political establishment and its media, there is a "baffled air of ignorance surrounding the political engagement and opinions of young people", wrote influential pro-Corbyn Labour Party activist Liam Young in a book last year titled Rise: How Jeremy Corbyn Inspired the Young to Create a New Socialism.

In the 2018 book, the author argues young people have been compelled to get involved in politics because of Conservative-led austerity measures. For such young political campaigners, the motive is personal experience, with each campaigner having their own interest in overcoming student debt, zero-hours contracts and other impacts of government policy on them.

It is tempting to believe the author of Rise, who writes that the vast majority of the young really support Corbyn unflinchingly, even if the statistics in the book seem quite limited. Unfortunately, political apathy (at least when it comes to actually rolling up our sleeves and doing anything) is still prevalent among young people. There is the possibility that many young activists represent little more than a fleeting bubble of students and social media users, whose interest in the Labour Party is chiefly experimental and will pass as quickly as it began.

On the relentless criticism of the Opposition Leader in the media, Young channels the young of the Labour Party when he writes "we were being sold lies by well-known liars". It is indeed a puzzle that the press, supposedly with their finger on the public pulse, are not able to notice their own threadbare credibility and won't try to repair it, even in our times so dominated by the scorns of social media. They seem to know nothing about how normal people think, or what it might take to convince us to agree with them. Lone individual politicians like Corbyn seem to actually have more influence on us than the entire media establishment yapping at his feet, perhaps ever since they shed the last drop of their credibility to support Tony Blair's Iraq War.

One might find a paradox in the author labelling UK mainstream media simultaneously "right-wing" (p. 28) and a "liberal commentariat" (p. 48). However, this choice can be justified if one redefines the reactionary simply as a Macron, the dull yes-man of the reigning liberal state ideology and the hammer of the populists. Whatever worm is picked by the establishment, whether Conservative or Labour, "right" or "left", to oppose the people. Perhaps such a definition helps us also understand why so many apparent supporters of human rights turn out to be NATO tankies and airstrike-supporters willing to brainlessly hurl themselves at the official enemy.

Much-needed points are made in the book regarding the relationship between young political activists and Brexit. The author stated at the time, "There should be no worry within the Labour Party concerning a conflict between its position on Brexit and its support for the young", although flip-flopping on a possible second referendum has occurred anyway since the author wrote those words. The television might want you to think otherwise, but the young were actually much more engaged in support of Corbyn in the 2017 snap general election than they were in the Brexit vote, at least Young's book argues.

Going back a few years, the author notes how young people were betrayed by Nick Clegg after he had successfully mobilised them with his promise to write off student debt. This destroyed his political career, Young claims. It cemented views among the young that politicians are all the same. Corbyn differs from this, and the difference he presents helped rekindle the interest of the young. The pragmatic approach of Miliband is gone, replaced by Corbyn's honest and consistent track record as a dissident.

More than the appeal of his underdog status, Young says Jeremy Corbyn's appeal to 18-24-year-olds rests in his desire to listen. He is receptive and caring, and will ensure the young can decide the policies affecting them rather than accepting the decrees of the "tired establishment". From Corbyn there is no condescension, preaching, or authority. In response one might argue that while such ways are indeed favoured by young people at present, they do not necessarily indicate capable political leadership. Unwillingness so assert authority in the face of numerous challenges and insults far beyond the norm could be considered a weakness, and it is possible that the onslaught of hostility against Corbyn from top individuals within the party is more than most leaders would ever tolerate. Nevertheless, the overwhelmingly gentle approach Corbyn takes clearly strengthens his appeal at least with the younger demographic, and through them he has a strong element ever rushing to his support within the party.

The participation of under-24s in the 2017 election was explained poorly by both the Conservatives and many within Labour, and the author of Rise does not forgive them for it. Explanations included the allegation Corbyn bribed students by offering to abolish their tuition fees and cancel debts, and the claim Corbyn only appealed to the liberal young intelligentsia. Such ideas are refuted by some solid statistics presented by the author. Of particular interest is the finding by Young that genuinely working-class young voters, not necessarily from liberal and student circles at all, are undeniably drawn to Corbyn. His appeal to this demographic has been authentic, or so say the book's figures. Contrastingly, Young describes how the interests of younger generations are only weakly and hastily addressed by the Conservatives and excluded from their policies.

The "tired establishment" Young describes in both the government and the opposition parties resent the youth of the country and the social media they so favour. Young believes we can see this in their attempts to forbid such influences in practice and downplay their significance in their rhetoric. Discussing Momentum, Young asserts the group's social media power intimidated the Conservative Party and prompted ill-advised copycats who have yet to demonstrate any similar reach. It is possible however that tech companies, aligned with the same liberal commentariat rejected by Young, will thwart groups like Momentum in an effort to stall the passions of "populism" in favour of fading authorities. Companies like Facebook have been pushed and shoved to become boring censors on behalf of the state and mainstream media to fulfil a highly reactionary role, muffling dissenting views and shadow-banning many. They are onboard with the same MPs and journalists whose own freedom of speech and immunity from prosecution are abused to demand censorship against other people, bemoaning the smallest squeaks of ordinary citizens at the mercy of their power.

One weakness of the book might lie in its unscientific assertions the Conservative Party's views are "dying out along with their voters". This reference to the old comes across as a poor choice. Where is the study showing a staggeringly greater proportion of 18-24 year olds hold radical or anti-mainstream views now than in any other historical period? It may be that the problem for Labour isn't a specific generation of older people who are still alive to vote, as Young seems to argue. Instead, the age issue may indicate many people turn to the political right after becoming homeowners, parents, high-rate taxpayers, pensioners or some other category the Conservatives invest quite a bit in getting votes from. There has probably always been a correlation between university education, radicalism and youth. There is also possibly a correlation between youth, unemployment and anti-Conservative views, although it is not the task of this book review to provide such a study.

The observations in Liam Young's book do not indicate some hypothetical future where people remain youthfully radical despite aging. It is hard to deny we will inevitably change, as political views do change with age. Saying old people who vote Tory will be "dying out" to be replaced with young Labour voters not only defies the simple fact people age but ignores statistics showing the population is aging. Many people of a highly conservative mindset were potentially quite radical in their youth. The Labour Party may have lost the support of such people to the Conservatives over many years, making it a valueless observation or even a weakness for Labour to be enjoying disproportionate loyalty from the young rather than the old.

Saying old people are a "dying breed" is unhelpful. We must assume we will all age and die. Just because elderly people may pass away sooner does not mean their interests and sensibilities can be dismissed in politics. The case for old people is just as strong and convincing as the case for the young. In fact, any claim of old people dying off entirely as a demographic and being unable to decisively influence future elections is an offensive absurdity, unless the author is professing to have invented some plague.

While one can sound wise by repeating the conventional wisdom that young people are the future and the old need to step aside, one can also sound wise by pointing out that the money to fund our future comes from the old. Old people would be right to feel irritated by young people trying to prematurely declare them dead and boldly assert how all the revenues collected from them may be better spent. We must remember that our country itself was inherited from older generations, including people who are literally dead, and this does not diminish it or our obligations to honour them in any way.

As painful as it is to admit it, there is a risk Labour's youth surge is not as decisive as it seems and could backfire. If we are trading in our support of older people in favour of the young, replacing seasoned supporters with a temporary wave of support from curious teens and early 20s, the surge will be transitory and ultimately fade away. If we fight out a battle between age groups, rather than focusing on common ground and compassion between as many varieties of people as possible, it will be pointlessly destructive.

Despite the subtitle of the book, "How Jeremy Corbyn Inspired the Young to Create a New Socialism", Young does not try to explain what "new socialism" is, beyond "opposition to neoliberalism" and "what the people want". Isn't it supposed to be a completed new ideology or doctrine? Since the first World Social Forum in 2001, the global left has tried and struggled to adopt a consensus-based post-Cold War socialist economic model as a strong and compelling alternative to the neoliberal capitalist monolith. Intellectual effort continues to be expended, but a contender has yet to arise from all of this conversation in utopistics. The Labour Party itself has settled more for a soft capitalist economics best described as the entrepreneurial state, with a focus on reinvigorated state-funded science, renationalisation and rejection of private sector "myths" and propaganda. This is hardly a "new socialism". Hope as we may, we are not yet in a position to pronounce the full return of socialism's name to the ideological and economic prominence it was given by so many during the previous century. It may simply never happen, although this admission should be taken as no praise for the political right.



In Rise, we are told the young were "innovating solutions to the problems we face" (p. 232). Like what? The book has argued convincingly that Labour is the best choice for young people, but it has not done anything to show young people came up with any actual political solutions, let alone a new socialism.

Young's case for reducing the voting age to 16 is sound, but it can be safely assumed that many parents will tell these young adults how to vote and are the main influence on younger voters already. This may seem bad so some, while others may argue that the amplifying effect it would have on the voices of poor families can only be a good thing for a state that has done too little for them.

The conclusion of Young's book is still convincing. Opposition to the supposed political consensus and the mainstream media are common to young people. They do want radically competing visions and parties when going to the ballot box rather than dull, risk-free compromises. Support of anti-establishment left movements by young activists has had a global impact, not because young people are somehow becoming a bigger sector of the population or more confident but because their social media skill has allowed them to punch far above their weight. There are parallels between Corbyn in the UK and Bernie Sanders in the US, with both of their campaigns alive with power and enthusiasm largely because of the internet.

It is worth finishing by pointing out a "new socialism" as some formal ideology is hardly even necessary in the long term. What we have now is unsustainable. Neoliberalism is a failure. This version of capitalism has unfortunately been a fountain of crisis, poverty and the tired Thatcherite refrain since the 1980s that we have no alternative. That is the only reason anyone needs to hear Corbyn out.

Harry Bentham


Exclusively for The clubof.info Blog

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20 January 2019

Utopistics: is it time for an alternative social system?

The Blog


Can and will there be an alternative world-system? In social science, this is what the emerging field of utopistics is for.


Use the video below to get a brief breakdown of what utopistics is about...




... or, continue reading


Utopistics is a necessary field, because of the crisis-ridden nature of our present economic system and the fact it is constructed of injustices and exploitation. Part of world-systems analysis or world-systems theory (a theory of International Relations from Immanuel Wallerstein), utopistics focuses on paradoxes and choices that will lead to the transformation of present world political and economic relations.

Current reigning economic and political theories focus overwhelmingly either on a nationalist-protectionist settlement of perceived faults and injustices in the global economy or - conversely - the neoliberal model of hyper-capitalist globalization and US political dominance. Anti-systemic movements are movements of minorities, anti-imperialists and the political left, aimed at securing a non-capitalist economic model. While their grievances against injustices and exploitation are clear, such movements are perceived to not offer a clearly defined alternative to the current neoliberal economic consensus. It is this alternative that utopistic study could produce.

It appears that parties of the political left give little heed to the works of sociologists at present and derive their ideas mainly from other prominent economists, such as Mariana Mazzucato in the case of the UK's Labour Party.


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30 December 2016

Detailed review: Corbyn (2016)

Blogger and broadcaster Richard Seymour's 2016 book, Corbyn: The Strange Rebirth of Radical Politics, is a much-needed realist assessment of hopes and dreads associated with Jeremy Corbyn's efforts to transform the UK's Labour Party to oppose the neoliberal state. The core thesis of Seymour's book is that Corbyn has emerged as Leader of the Opposition in a regime where he risks being "encircled" and even "chewed up" ideologically by the British governing elite whether he achieves state power or not.

Much of Seymour's book is a repudiation of Tony Blair and exposes the decay of British democracy, while celebrating how such conditions led to the return of a socialist in Labour's leader. As stated in the book, "Corbyn intelligently exploited an opening which has come about from the decay of the old parties". Phrased differently, "as the state becomes less and less democratic" as it pushes business interests over the interests of the people, "alienation and volatility of the electorate is likely to increase". Meanwhile, Labour suffers disproportionately from this decay as the workers they seek to represent and champion are simply ignoring them. Seymour notes, "the more working class a constituency, the higher its rate of unemployment, the lower its turnout."

Tony Blair and New Labour are often portrayed as Labour success stories simply for putting the party back in power after a history of failure, but Seymour dismisses them as "flimsy". New Labour was so ideologically to the right as to be "inessential" to the labour movement and the left, he writes.

Seymour writes "the ideas with which Corbyn won are ones that have largely been ignored, suppressed, or regarded with amused condescension since the Blairites took control". Tony Blair's New Labour was devoted to stop democratic socialism, to abort any attempt to give the workers power over their managers, the analysis goes. It is no surprise, it follows, that a concerned Tony Blair trying to dissuade Labour members from selecting Corbyn as leader was seen as the "epitome of the problem" and his pleas for centrism fell on deaf ears.

Describing how Labour's membership were radicalised, Seymour writes of the "crisis of legitimacy" in British parliamentary democracy. "Millions simply gave up" on Labour under Blair and his successor Gordon Brown because the party had become "symbiotically dependent" on banks, business, media, and the rightist wings of state. The lack of confidence members developed in the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) is now best demonstrated in the result of the failed 2016 leadership challenge, when members voted to keep Corbyn despite the overwhelming rejection of his leadership by the PLP. The hostility shown in the so-called Labour coup, if we are to accept Seymour's analysis, brings the legitimacy of much of the PLP into question. Nevertheless, the "underdeveloped" and unconfident youths and students who rally behind Corbyn seem like no match for the "immense, lordly dominion" of the PLP, making the PLP largely invulnerable, no matter what talk about the deselection of anti-Corbyn MPs may exist.

Of course, the real view held by revolting Labour MPs was that the party was being steered to the "hard left" at the cost of its electability. This is a view also evident throughout the national news media in Britain. Since taking office as leader in 2015, Corbyn has been regarded as a saboteur of the party by critics, with "constant harking back to the 1980s" when hard-line socialists had been perceived to create a fatal split leading to the formation of the centrist breakaway Social Democratic Party (SDP). Seymour points out, in defiance of this view, extremist fringes of the Labour right connected with Blair are the ones who actually stated their desire for Labour to lose if Corbyn stays in charge. As Seymour phrases it, they think "it would be better to crash Labour than to let it win under a left-wing leadership". In similar pettiness and hypocrisy, anti-Corbyn MPs complain of Corbyn's supporters calling for their expulsion, and demand that the offending members are themselves expelled.

Corbyn's youthful supporters operate in a much friendlier environment than in the 1980s, Seymour indicates, thanks to their effective use of social media as influence shifts away from the tabloids. Despite vulgar attempts on the part of some journalists and politicians to revive the Cold War in the press, there is no longer any concern about fifth columnists in Britain. Nevertheless, Seymour cautions, "it would be a mistake for Corbyn's supporters to be too impressed by their own sudden feeling of vitality."

Despite how wrong Corbyn's opponents are to accuse him of sabotaging and dividing Labour, Seymour accepts that Corbyn's democratic socialism is in fact somewhat alien to Labour's history. In most ways, Corbyn is not in fact taking Labour back to its origins but is a radical attempting to transform the party into a socialist organisation, as opposed to its past role as the "rearguard of reaction". In a somewhat pessimistic account of the future, the author believes the party will eventually not change but return to its more centrist roots. New Labour arrivals who think they are joining a radical left movement could eventually find their space being "closed" if new setbacks and internal party struggles accumulate on Corbyn's record. Even in such an event, Seymour believes, the British left will have undoubtedly benefited from Corbyn's tenure and been able to regroup using the transitory space they had enjoyed in the party.

In his assessment of the negative historical trajectory of the Labour Party for socialists, Seymour also points out how Blairite reforms shifted the party to depending on "passive supporters paying a small fee" rather than being based on union funding and the interests of the labour movement. The loss of union funding and organising power described here arguably undermined the Labour Party's very name. The complicity of the Blairites in anti-union legislation and the "degeneration of the union link", however, has driven unions that normally preferred "moderate leadership" into backing Corbyn's openly socialist leadership. It should also be added that in addition to those officially backing Corbyn, crowds even in unions not officially backing Corbyn don't hold back their enthusiasm for his leadership.

In some respects, Seymour encourages Corbyn to go more radical to reach out to poorer sections of society and former disillusioned Labour supporters. Corbyn's rhetorical approach of pointing the finger at "the Tories", in keeping with Labour's parliamentary lexicon, may be "disabling" for his mission to champion Britain's poorest and most marginalised people. He could instead appeal to growing class polarisation, much the way Bernie Sanders had used the terms "Billionaire class", "one percent", and other language of the Occupy movement to inspire the lowest earners to take action. It can be added to this analysis that such unflinching anti-establishment language could even catch some of the energy that led to the Brexit vote, fed as it was by increased popular contempt for the wealthiest stakeholders in UK politics.

Pressuring Corbyn, Seymour points out, are questions of electoral feasibility, the struggle to keep his programme tolerable for his colleagues in the PLP, and the need for policies that are socialist but can be realistically implemented once in office. In any rush to get Labour elected to power, Corbyn's policies would meet with popular opposition on some issues. Popular opinion is prejudiced against state intervention in the economy and the welfare state, particularly when the issue of migrants claiming benefits is raised, Seymour points out. To go beyond what Seymour wrote, it can also be supposed that anti-refugee sentiment exists among much of the poor, so Corbyn's compassionate stance on refugees could prove disabling among capricious anti-establishment voters.

Corbyn's policies that resonate with voters, to his credit, are more numerous than those that might put them off. Corbyn has supported popular cries against military aggression, unethical arms deals, nuclear weapons, spending cuts, privatisation of vital services, and bailouts for banks. He is also likely to gain approval with promises to tax the rich and make homes and rents affordable to young people. Seymour sums up Corbyn's intentions with the view that "British banks and British tanks do not appear to be doing most British people any favours". Seymour points out that Corbyn's ideas make him an effective Leader of the Opposition, pushing back against inhumane government disability benefit cuts and against the British-made bombs that kill and disable as many people in the Saudi regime's war on Yemen.

A harder task for the Corbyn camp is convincing us that an economic alternative to neoliberal orthodoxy really exists. Seymour points out that a return to an "entrepreneurial state", termed as such in Mariana Mazzucato's 2013 book, The Entrepreneurial State: Debunking Public vs. Private Sector Myths, is seen as the solution by John McDonnell MP, Labour's Shadow Chancellor. If applied in power, Corbyn's ideas could be unprecedented in "reversing neoliberalism" as the state may use increased direct intervention to boost Britain's technology industries and create growth that way. However, all it would take is for the Tories to incite fear against this project as too economically risky, and the public might be deterred from supporting Corbyn. As noted earlier, British voters suffer a prejudice against increased state intervention in the economy, although they are also paradoxically opposed to privatisation of vital services.

The book could be said to eschew the case for Corbyn's kind personality as something British politics desperately needed, instead looking at the whole affair as an attempted socialist revival coming as a backlash against the inhumane policies inherent in New Labour and neoliberalism. It is possible that the book underestimates Corbyn's personality, implicit in his calls for "kinder politics" and his unimpeachable behaviour and principles in contrast with many of his colleagues.

Seymour does present the view that "the problem for the establishment is not necessarily Corbyn's agenda" but "the type of politician that he is". In a similar assessment of his chances, Corbyn's sole advantage may simply be his kind demeanour and personality. Current polling, local election results and a perceived failure to prevent the Brexit vote could be unreliable in assessing his chances, since these do not assess support for the man but rather for the divided and retreating party he inherited. If Corbyn leads a government, it will be because an alienated and volatile voting public suddenly favoured his personality where they would not have favoured his party.

In the event that a Corbyn government becomes a reality, Seymour believes it would open a new front against him as the neoliberal state itself pushed back against his socialist ideas and "rapidly encircled" his ability to rule effectively. The military leadership has even indicated its hostility to any possible Corbyn government, although it might not be a sentiment found in the rank and file.

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3 November 2015

Mont Order new philosophy goes public

The Blog


The Mont Order society has scaled back its fixation on being an organization, and is now more of a value-based club with a declared set of principles and autonomous members who act with or without blessing from above.


Background: The Mont Order's unofficial conspiracy

As always, the overarching priority at the Mont Order society of writers and publications is to promote its members and their agendas. This has not changed, but the model of the group has been reformed slightly to put more energy towards supporting individual members and stop using the group as a vessel that requires its own devotion or resources.

This change can be understood from what little content was actually made public after a long conference among the Order's top members. The content takes the form of a short set of written values on cards, which can be seen at the Order's unofficial press release archive "lordre.net" and also in a video originating at the Wave Chronicle. The Wave Chronicle is a leading publication associated with the Order.



The released content for the public contains a code with seven values that the Order will not withdraw, and which sum up the philosophy or ideology guiding the present plans of the Mont Order. Of these, the second may be of the greatest interest to readers of The clubof.info Blog.

"Principle Two" declares to the world the Mont Order's most unique attribute, which is its open glorification of technological modernity, regarding it as the origin and future of the Order:

The Order accepts positive and popular globalism based on the inevitable trajectories of technology to unite disparate people across borders. Our own identity is closely tied to events in the world, mainly involving technology, as the internet enabled this group to exist. We see how technology is escaping its creators' designs and we celebrate this trend, which has also empowered us. However, we oppose with absolute conviction the neoconservative and neoliberal views of some major tech corporations including Google.

As shown, the Order has a powerful understanding of what it is and where it is going. It could be that some of the slower and less efficient features of the modern Mont Order may soon disappear, as the Mont program of values is acted upon and expounded for the foreseeable future.


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9 October 2015

Reason gets schooled by C4SS... again

The Blog


Anti-statist commentator and theorist Kevin Carson has once again gone after Reason for the magazine's dogmatic adherence to neoliberal ideology. This ideology plagues the publication's understandings of innovation and competition, conflating them with American chauvinism and the asinine claims to "intellectual property" advanced by corporations that lack any merit or intellect.


In an op-ed at Reason, writer Stephanie Slade appealed to the increasingly politicized 'people's Pope' Francis to "embrace capitalism" if he really wants to improve the lot of the world's poor. Commenting upon this in a response at the Center for a Stateless Society (C4SS), Carson ridicules Slade's assertion that “markets and globalization have lifted billions out of poverty and lessened global inequality”, correcting Slade that what exists is not a market but a system of global expropriation, conquest and chauvinism advanced by governments.

Carson contends that Slade is as ignorant of basic economic facts as she accuses the much-praised Pontifex. The global corporate economy is no free market, he points out. Rather, it is the end result of five hundred years of what Carson calls "colonialism, robbery and enslavement". This is perhaps a reference to the theory of the capitalist world-economy advanced by historical social scientist Immanuel Wallerstein, which sees the start of the conquest of the Americas by European armies as roughly the beginning of modern-day capitalism.

Far from being based upon freedom or real innovation, current "capitalism" is based instead on ruthless ownership and protection of property by gangs of thugs and brutal armed regimes masquerading as "democracies". No-one actually earned such property, and instead such ownership can solely be traced back to criminality, racism and class antagonism, Carson implies.

In Carson's own dramatic phrasing, we may understand the historic truth as follows:
Most of the minerals, farm land and petroleum reserves of the world continue to be held by the heirs and assigns of the original robbers — a giant, bleeding, arterial wound on the body of the global South that transnational corporations feast on like vampires. So global capitalism as we know it was founded on the violation of property rights. Talk of “inviolability” amounts to the robber saying “No more stealing, starting — NOW!”
Even supposing Pope Francis' ignorance of economics is fact, Carson concludes, an economics columnist like Stepahnie Slade at a publication as respected as Reason should know better than to recycle fallacies about intellectual property being somehow responsible for freedom. In reality, intellectual property is a form of protectionism, which does nothing more than slow down and prevent innovation.

If we assume that Slade is right about capitalism uplifting a billion from poverty, it remains a fact that it could be done faster if we had removed the suffocating and retarding enforcement of intellectual property laws by states.


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