Showing posts with label Labour_Party. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Labour_Party. Show all posts

8 May 2019

Did the Young Create a New Socialism?


A Review of Liam Young's book "Rise" (2018)

In the political establishment and its media, there is a "baffled air of ignorance surrounding the political engagement and opinions of young people", wrote influential pro-Corbyn Labour Party activist Liam Young in a book last year titled Rise: How Jeremy Corbyn Inspired the Young to Create a New Socialism.

In the 2018 book, the author argues young people have been compelled to get involved in politics because of Conservative-led austerity measures. For such young political campaigners, the motive is personal experience, with each campaigner having their own interest in overcoming student debt, zero-hours contracts and other impacts of government policy on them.

It is tempting to believe the author of Rise, who writes that the vast majority of the young really support Corbyn unflinchingly, even if the statistics in the book seem quite limited. Unfortunately, political apathy (at least when it comes to actually rolling up our sleeves and doing anything) is still prevalent among young people. There is the possibility that many young activists represent little more than a fleeting bubble of students and social media users, whose interest in the Labour Party is chiefly experimental and will pass as quickly as it began.

On the relentless criticism of the Opposition Leader in the media, Young channels the young of the Labour Party when he writes "we were being sold lies by well-known liars". It is indeed a puzzle that the press, supposedly with their finger on the public pulse, are not able to notice their own threadbare credibility and won't try to repair it, even in our times so dominated by the scorns of social media. They seem to know nothing about how normal people think, or what it might take to convince us to agree with them. Lone individual politicians like Corbyn seem to actually have more influence on us than the entire media establishment yapping at his feet, perhaps ever since they shed the last drop of their credibility to support Tony Blair's Iraq War.

One might find a paradox in the author labelling UK mainstream media simultaneously "right-wing" (p. 28) and a "liberal commentariat" (p. 48). However, this choice can be justified if one redefines the reactionary simply as a Macron, the dull yes-man of the reigning liberal state ideology and the hammer of the populists. Whatever worm is picked by the establishment, whether Conservative or Labour, "right" or "left", to oppose the people. Perhaps such a definition helps us also understand why so many apparent supporters of human rights turn out to be NATO tankies and airstrike-supporters willing to brainlessly hurl themselves at the official enemy.

Much-needed points are made in the book regarding the relationship between young political activists and Brexit. The author stated at the time, "There should be no worry within the Labour Party concerning a conflict between its position on Brexit and its support for the young", although flip-flopping on a possible second referendum has occurred anyway since the author wrote those words. The television might want you to think otherwise, but the young were actually much more engaged in support of Corbyn in the 2017 snap general election than they were in the Brexit vote, at least Young's book argues.

Going back a few years, the author notes how young people were betrayed by Nick Clegg after he had successfully mobilised them with his promise to write off student debt. This destroyed his political career, Young claims. It cemented views among the young that politicians are all the same. Corbyn differs from this, and the difference he presents helped rekindle the interest of the young. The pragmatic approach of Miliband is gone, replaced by Corbyn's honest and consistent track record as a dissident.

More than the appeal of his underdog status, Young says Jeremy Corbyn's appeal to 18-24-year-olds rests in his desire to listen. He is receptive and caring, and will ensure the young can decide the policies affecting them rather than accepting the decrees of the "tired establishment". From Corbyn there is no condescension, preaching, or authority. In response one might argue that while such ways are indeed favoured by young people at present, they do not necessarily indicate capable political leadership. Unwillingness so assert authority in the face of numerous challenges and insults far beyond the norm could be considered a weakness, and it is possible that the onslaught of hostility against Corbyn from top individuals within the party is more than most leaders would ever tolerate. Nevertheless, the overwhelmingly gentle approach Corbyn takes clearly strengthens his appeal at least with the younger demographic, and through them he has a strong element ever rushing to his support within the party.

The participation of under-24s in the 2017 election was explained poorly by both the Conservatives and many within Labour, and the author of Rise does not forgive them for it. Explanations included the allegation Corbyn bribed students by offering to abolish their tuition fees and cancel debts, and the claim Corbyn only appealed to the liberal young intelligentsia. Such ideas are refuted by some solid statistics presented by the author. Of particular interest is the finding by Young that genuinely working-class young voters, not necessarily from liberal and student circles at all, are undeniably drawn to Corbyn. His appeal to this demographic has been authentic, or so say the book's figures. Contrastingly, Young describes how the interests of younger generations are only weakly and hastily addressed by the Conservatives and excluded from their policies.

The "tired establishment" Young describes in both the government and the opposition parties resent the youth of the country and the social media they so favour. Young believes we can see this in their attempts to forbid such influences in practice and downplay their significance in their rhetoric. Discussing Momentum, Young asserts the group's social media power intimidated the Conservative Party and prompted ill-advised copycats who have yet to demonstrate any similar reach. It is possible however that tech companies, aligned with the same liberal commentariat rejected by Young, will thwart groups like Momentum in an effort to stall the passions of "populism" in favour of fading authorities. Companies like Facebook have been pushed and shoved to become boring censors on behalf of the state and mainstream media to fulfil a highly reactionary role, muffling dissenting views and shadow-banning many. They are onboard with the same MPs and journalists whose own freedom of speech and immunity from prosecution are abused to demand censorship against other people, bemoaning the smallest squeaks of ordinary citizens at the mercy of their power.

One weakness of the book might lie in its unscientific assertions the Conservative Party's views are "dying out along with their voters". This reference to the old comes across as a poor choice. Where is the study showing a staggeringly greater proportion of 18-24 year olds hold radical or anti-mainstream views now than in any other historical period? It may be that the problem for Labour isn't a specific generation of older people who are still alive to vote, as Young seems to argue. Instead, the age issue may indicate many people turn to the political right after becoming homeowners, parents, high-rate taxpayers, pensioners or some other category the Conservatives invest quite a bit in getting votes from. There has probably always been a correlation between university education, radicalism and youth. There is also possibly a correlation between youth, unemployment and anti-Conservative views, although it is not the task of this book review to provide such a study.

The observations in Liam Young's book do not indicate some hypothetical future where people remain youthfully radical despite aging. It is hard to deny we will inevitably change, as political views do change with age. Saying old people who vote Tory will be "dying out" to be replaced with young Labour voters not only defies the simple fact people age but ignores statistics showing the population is aging. Many people of a highly conservative mindset were potentially quite radical in their youth. The Labour Party may have lost the support of such people to the Conservatives over many years, making it a valueless observation or even a weakness for Labour to be enjoying disproportionate loyalty from the young rather than the old.

Saying old people are a "dying breed" is unhelpful. We must assume we will all age and die. Just because elderly people may pass away sooner does not mean their interests and sensibilities can be dismissed in politics. The case for old people is just as strong and convincing as the case for the young. In fact, any claim of old people dying off entirely as a demographic and being unable to decisively influence future elections is an offensive absurdity, unless the author is professing to have invented some plague.

While one can sound wise by repeating the conventional wisdom that young people are the future and the old need to step aside, one can also sound wise by pointing out that the money to fund our future comes from the old. Old people would be right to feel irritated by young people trying to prematurely declare them dead and boldly assert how all the revenues collected from them may be better spent. We must remember that our country itself was inherited from older generations, including people who are literally dead, and this does not diminish it or our obligations to honour them in any way.

As painful as it is to admit it, there is a risk Labour's youth surge is not as decisive as it seems and could backfire. If we are trading in our support of older people in favour of the young, replacing seasoned supporters with a temporary wave of support from curious teens and early 20s, the surge will be transitory and ultimately fade away. If we fight out a battle between age groups, rather than focusing on common ground and compassion between as many varieties of people as possible, it will be pointlessly destructive.

Despite the subtitle of the book, "How Jeremy Corbyn Inspired the Young to Create a New Socialism", Young does not try to explain what "new socialism" is, beyond "opposition to neoliberalism" and "what the people want". Isn't it supposed to be a completed new ideology or doctrine? Since the first World Social Forum in 2001, the global left has tried and struggled to adopt a consensus-based post-Cold War socialist economic model as a strong and compelling alternative to the neoliberal capitalist monolith. Intellectual effort continues to be expended, but a contender has yet to arise from all of this conversation in utopistics. The Labour Party itself has settled more for a soft capitalist economics best described as the entrepreneurial state, with a focus on reinvigorated state-funded science, renationalisation and rejection of private sector "myths" and propaganda. This is hardly a "new socialism". Hope as we may, we are not yet in a position to pronounce the full return of socialism's name to the ideological and economic prominence it was given by so many during the previous century. It may simply never happen, although this admission should be taken as no praise for the political right.



In Rise, we are told the young were "innovating solutions to the problems we face" (p. 232). Like what? The book has argued convincingly that Labour is the best choice for young people, but it has not done anything to show young people came up with any actual political solutions, let alone a new socialism.

Young's case for reducing the voting age to 16 is sound, but it can be safely assumed that many parents will tell these young adults how to vote and are the main influence on younger voters already. This may seem bad so some, while others may argue that the amplifying effect it would have on the voices of poor families can only be a good thing for a state that has done too little for them.

The conclusion of Young's book is still convincing. Opposition to the supposed political consensus and the mainstream media are common to young people. They do want radically competing visions and parties when going to the ballot box rather than dull, risk-free compromises. Support of anti-establishment left movements by young activists has had a global impact, not because young people are somehow becoming a bigger sector of the population or more confident but because their social media skill has allowed them to punch far above their weight. There are parallels between Corbyn in the UK and Bernie Sanders in the US, with both of their campaigns alive with power and enthusiasm largely because of the internet.

It is worth finishing by pointing out a "new socialism" as some formal ideology is hardly even necessary in the long term. What we have now is unsustainable. Neoliberalism is a failure. This version of capitalism has unfortunately been a fountain of crisis, poverty and the tired Thatcherite refrain since the 1980s that we have no alternative. That is the only reason anyone needs to hear Corbyn out.

Harry Bentham


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20 January 2019

Utopistics: is it time for an alternative social system?

The Blog


Can and will there be an alternative world-system? In social science, this is what the emerging field of utopistics is for.


Use the video below to get a brief breakdown of what utopistics is about...




... or, continue reading


Utopistics is a necessary field, because of the crisis-ridden nature of our present economic system and the fact it is constructed of injustices and exploitation. Part of world-systems analysis or world-systems theory (a theory of International Relations from Immanuel Wallerstein), utopistics focuses on paradoxes and choices that will lead to the transformation of present world political and economic relations.

Current reigning economic and political theories focus overwhelmingly either on a nationalist-protectionist settlement of perceived faults and injustices in the global economy or - conversely - the neoliberal model of hyper-capitalist globalization and US political dominance. Anti-systemic movements are movements of minorities, anti-imperialists and the political left, aimed at securing a non-capitalist economic model. While their grievances against injustices and exploitation are clear, such movements are perceived to not offer a clearly defined alternative to the current neoliberal economic consensus. It is this alternative that utopistic study could produce.

It appears that parties of the political left give little heed to the works of sociologists at present and derive their ideas mainly from other prominent economists, such as Mariana Mazzucato in the case of the UK's Labour Party.


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30 December 2016

Detailed review: Corbyn (2016)

Blogger and broadcaster Richard Seymour's 2016 book, Corbyn: The Strange Rebirth of Radical Politics, is a much-needed realist assessment of hopes and dreads associated with Jeremy Corbyn's efforts to transform the UK's Labour Party to oppose the neoliberal state. The core thesis of Seymour's book is that Corbyn has emerged as Leader of the Opposition in a regime where he risks being "encircled" and even "chewed up" ideologically by the British governing elite whether he achieves state power or not.

Much of Seymour's book is a repudiation of Tony Blair and exposes the decay of British democracy, while celebrating how such conditions led to the return of a socialist in Labour's leader. As stated in the book, "Corbyn intelligently exploited an opening which has come about from the decay of the old parties". Phrased differently, "as the state becomes less and less democratic" as it pushes business interests over the interests of the people, "alienation and volatility of the electorate is likely to increase". Meanwhile, Labour suffers disproportionately from this decay as the workers they seek to represent and champion are simply ignoring them. Seymour notes, "the more working class a constituency, the higher its rate of unemployment, the lower its turnout."

Tony Blair and New Labour are often portrayed as Labour success stories simply for putting the party back in power after a history of failure, but Seymour dismisses them as "flimsy". New Labour was so ideologically to the right as to be "inessential" to the labour movement and the left, he writes.

Seymour writes "the ideas with which Corbyn won are ones that have largely been ignored, suppressed, or regarded with amused condescension since the Blairites took control". Tony Blair's New Labour was devoted to stop democratic socialism, to abort any attempt to give the workers power over their managers, the analysis goes. It is no surprise, it follows, that a concerned Tony Blair trying to dissuade Labour members from selecting Corbyn as leader was seen as the "epitome of the problem" and his pleas for centrism fell on deaf ears.

Describing how Labour's membership were radicalised, Seymour writes of the "crisis of legitimacy" in British parliamentary democracy. "Millions simply gave up" on Labour under Blair and his successor Gordon Brown because the party had become "symbiotically dependent" on banks, business, media, and the rightist wings of state. The lack of confidence members developed in the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) is now best demonstrated in the result of the failed 2016 leadership challenge, when members voted to keep Corbyn despite the overwhelming rejection of his leadership by the PLP. The hostility shown in the so-called Labour coup, if we are to accept Seymour's analysis, brings the legitimacy of much of the PLP into question. Nevertheless, the "underdeveloped" and unconfident youths and students who rally behind Corbyn seem like no match for the "immense, lordly dominion" of the PLP, making the PLP largely invulnerable, no matter what talk about the deselection of anti-Corbyn MPs may exist.

Of course, the real view held by revolting Labour MPs was that the party was being steered to the "hard left" at the cost of its electability. This is a view also evident throughout the national news media in Britain. Since taking office as leader in 2015, Corbyn has been regarded as a saboteur of the party by critics, with "constant harking back to the 1980s" when hard-line socialists had been perceived to create a fatal split leading to the formation of the centrist breakaway Social Democratic Party (SDP). Seymour points out, in defiance of this view, extremist fringes of the Labour right connected with Blair are the ones who actually stated their desire for Labour to lose if Corbyn stays in charge. As Seymour phrases it, they think "it would be better to crash Labour than to let it win under a left-wing leadership". In similar pettiness and hypocrisy, anti-Corbyn MPs complain of Corbyn's supporters calling for their expulsion, and demand that the offending members are themselves expelled.

Corbyn's youthful supporters operate in a much friendlier environment than in the 1980s, Seymour indicates, thanks to their effective use of social media as influence shifts away from the tabloids. Despite vulgar attempts on the part of some journalists and politicians to revive the Cold War in the press, there is no longer any concern about fifth columnists in Britain. Nevertheless, Seymour cautions, "it would be a mistake for Corbyn's supporters to be too impressed by their own sudden feeling of vitality."

Despite how wrong Corbyn's opponents are to accuse him of sabotaging and dividing Labour, Seymour accepts that Corbyn's democratic socialism is in fact somewhat alien to Labour's history. In most ways, Corbyn is not in fact taking Labour back to its origins but is a radical attempting to transform the party into a socialist organisation, as opposed to its past role as the "rearguard of reaction". In a somewhat pessimistic account of the future, the author believes the party will eventually not change but return to its more centrist roots. New Labour arrivals who think they are joining a radical left movement could eventually find their space being "closed" if new setbacks and internal party struggles accumulate on Corbyn's record. Even in such an event, Seymour believes, the British left will have undoubtedly benefited from Corbyn's tenure and been able to regroup using the transitory space they had enjoyed in the party.

In his assessment of the negative historical trajectory of the Labour Party for socialists, Seymour also points out how Blairite reforms shifted the party to depending on "passive supporters paying a small fee" rather than being based on union funding and the interests of the labour movement. The loss of union funding and organising power described here arguably undermined the Labour Party's very name. The complicity of the Blairites in anti-union legislation and the "degeneration of the union link", however, has driven unions that normally preferred "moderate leadership" into backing Corbyn's openly socialist leadership. It should also be added that in addition to those officially backing Corbyn, crowds even in unions not officially backing Corbyn don't hold back their enthusiasm for his leadership.

In some respects, Seymour encourages Corbyn to go more radical to reach out to poorer sections of society and former disillusioned Labour supporters. Corbyn's rhetorical approach of pointing the finger at "the Tories", in keeping with Labour's parliamentary lexicon, may be "disabling" for his mission to champion Britain's poorest and most marginalised people. He could instead appeal to growing class polarisation, much the way Bernie Sanders had used the terms "Billionaire class", "one percent", and other language of the Occupy movement to inspire the lowest earners to take action. It can be added to this analysis that such unflinching anti-establishment language could even catch some of the energy that led to the Brexit vote, fed as it was by increased popular contempt for the wealthiest stakeholders in UK politics.

Pressuring Corbyn, Seymour points out, are questions of electoral feasibility, the struggle to keep his programme tolerable for his colleagues in the PLP, and the need for policies that are socialist but can be realistically implemented once in office. In any rush to get Labour elected to power, Corbyn's policies would meet with popular opposition on some issues. Popular opinion is prejudiced against state intervention in the economy and the welfare state, particularly when the issue of migrants claiming benefits is raised, Seymour points out. To go beyond what Seymour wrote, it can also be supposed that anti-refugee sentiment exists among much of the poor, so Corbyn's compassionate stance on refugees could prove disabling among capricious anti-establishment voters.

Corbyn's policies that resonate with voters, to his credit, are more numerous than those that might put them off. Corbyn has supported popular cries against military aggression, unethical arms deals, nuclear weapons, spending cuts, privatisation of vital services, and bailouts for banks. He is also likely to gain approval with promises to tax the rich and make homes and rents affordable to young people. Seymour sums up Corbyn's intentions with the view that "British banks and British tanks do not appear to be doing most British people any favours". Seymour points out that Corbyn's ideas make him an effective Leader of the Opposition, pushing back against inhumane government disability benefit cuts and against the British-made bombs that kill and disable as many people in the Saudi regime's war on Yemen.

A harder task for the Corbyn camp is convincing us that an economic alternative to neoliberal orthodoxy really exists. Seymour points out that a return to an "entrepreneurial state", termed as such in Mariana Mazzucato's 2013 book, The Entrepreneurial State: Debunking Public vs. Private Sector Myths, is seen as the solution by John McDonnell MP, Labour's Shadow Chancellor. If applied in power, Corbyn's ideas could be unprecedented in "reversing neoliberalism" as the state may use increased direct intervention to boost Britain's technology industries and create growth that way. However, all it would take is for the Tories to incite fear against this project as too economically risky, and the public might be deterred from supporting Corbyn. As noted earlier, British voters suffer a prejudice against increased state intervention in the economy, although they are also paradoxically opposed to privatisation of vital services.

The book could be said to eschew the case for Corbyn's kind personality as something British politics desperately needed, instead looking at the whole affair as an attempted socialist revival coming as a backlash against the inhumane policies inherent in New Labour and neoliberalism. It is possible that the book underestimates Corbyn's personality, implicit in his calls for "kinder politics" and his unimpeachable behaviour and principles in contrast with many of his colleagues.

Seymour does present the view that "the problem for the establishment is not necessarily Corbyn's agenda" but "the type of politician that he is". In a similar assessment of his chances, Corbyn's sole advantage may simply be his kind demeanour and personality. Current polling, local election results and a perceived failure to prevent the Brexit vote could be unreliable in assessing his chances, since these do not assess support for the man but rather for the divided and retreating party he inherited. If Corbyn leads a government, it will be because an alienated and volatile voting public suddenly favoured his personality where they would not have favoured his party.

In the event that a Corbyn government becomes a reality, Seymour believes it would open a new front against him as the neoliberal state itself pushed back against his socialist ideas and "rapidly encircled" his ability to rule effectively. The military leadership has even indicated its hostility to any possible Corbyn government, although it might not be a sentiment found in the rank and file.

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28 September 2016

Corbyn still leads 'largest political party in western Europe'

The Blog


In a call to members of the Labour Party following his landslide victory over leadership challenger Owen Smith, Jeremy Corbyn called for unity in Britain's ever-larger Opposition party.


Corbyn's victory entrenches thousands of supporters as full members of the Labour Party and marks the failure of a coup. Campaigns by anti-Corbyn MPs and Tony Blair to twist the party back towards right-wing politics and US-sponsored puppet foreign policies have been grounded.

Despite his triumph, Corbyn maintained his politeness and conciliatory tone. When addressing members in an email circulated throughout the party, Corbyn wrote "Always remember that in our party, we have much more in common than that which divides us."

The UK's Labour has grown into "the largest political party in western Europe", Corbyn pointed out, stating a firm belief this enormous new movement can win the next general election. Most of his victory message focused on preventing possible divisions and splits within the party.

Some media reports alleged a mass resignation of Blairite members opposed to Jeremy Corbyn. Supporters of Corbyn, meanwhile, can be expected to sign up to the party in even greater numbers and play an even more active part in the politics ahead.


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21 September 2016

Owen Smith inflames Labour Party divisions: socialist paper

The Blog


A socialist paper has warned against the disaster that would follow if alternative leader Owen Smith were to defy all odds and defeat Jeremy Corbyn's popular leadership of the UK's Labour Party.


Socialist tabloid The Morning Star tackled Smith's threatening statements that much of the Labour Party membership should be expelled for their participation in grassroots activist organizations like Momentum.

Smith controversially described Momentum members as parasites using Labour as a "host", a remark slammed by The Morning Star in its Monday 19 editorial. Tony Blair admirer Owen Smith "could refrain from threatening the mass expulsion of members of Momentum or insulting the thousands of loyal Labour Party members who comprise its membership as “parasites.”" the daily stated.

The paper predicted Smith "might create a superficially less divided party" if he were to win, but fail to address "the millions who have made it abundantly clear that they are sick of the status quo." Smith threatens to reduce Corbyn's Labour to an "out-of-touch Establishment party with no answers" that will fail to attract any new voters.

Link: Smith Is No Unity-Builder


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14 June 2016

UK oversees cluster bombing in Yemen

The Blog


As "hospitals, schools, markets and mosques" in Yemen were targeted by Saudi Arabia, British and US advisers were in Saudi command centers overseeing the use of internationally banned cluster bombs.


As explained in a recent Parliamentary Briefing breaking down the facts on Yemen, UK personnel were present in Saudi military headquarters alongside those of the US regime while Saudi forces committed war crimes using British-made weapons.

The Briefing states irrefutable evidence exists of British-made cluster bombs (banned under international law) being used against civilians in a village on the Saudi-Yemeni border. Despite this, UK Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond's only response was to lie. "There is no evidence of deliberate breaches of international humanitarian law", the Secretary had said when confronted by Labour MP Hilary Benn over the role played by British personnel in the Yemen Conflict.

According to the British government, UK advisers are in Saudi Arabia to ensure the country and the Saudi-led coalition against Yemen comply with international law and strike only military targets. Despite the government's claims that Saudi Arabia has complied, most of the victims of the Saudi aggression continue to be civilians.

A disproportionate number of women and children have been killed in Saudi Arabia's bombing of Yemen and the accompanying blockade aiming to starve the impoverished country into submission. Meanwhile Britain and America say Saudi Arabia is acting responsibly. They even repeat Saudi propaganda that the real threat in Yemen is Iran.

To date, no evidence exists of Iran having any military presence in Yemen, although Iran has strongly noted its opposition to the slaughter of civilians in the country.


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10 June 2016

Surveillance state's setbacks in Britain

The Blog


The British regime has been forced to make concessions to the Opposition on a controversial surveillance charter in progress.


Based on demands by the Labour Party, the Investigatory Powers Bill will need to include a clause guaranteeing the importance of privacy, among other concessions.

Calling the concessions a "historic move" that had been won thanks to campaigning by Labour, Opposition MPs still consider the bill to be deeply flawed. Nevertheless, they are confident that recent changes to the bill adequately protect trade unions, and also provide for all decisions to be questioned by authorities independent of the Government.

The Investigatory Powers Bill had been intended to justify and broaden already extensive human rights-violating surveillance programs used by the regime to target its own people, supposedly in the belief they are a threat to the regime. Although claiming to be protecting "British values" and "national security", Britain subserviently sends all its data to foreign powers such as the United States and Israel, imperiling its own subjects and helping other countries kill them.

Experts, including within the US regime who are developing and applying all the latest totalitarian surveillance methods, believe the British public are more accepting of surveillance than other populations. Arguably, Britain's archaic political system and traditions have left many taxpayers in apathy, with a view that rulers are somehow magically ordained to do whatever they want once they get into office.

Any severe criticism of the British Government is prohibited in all spaces where it might have any effect on the lives of politicians, especially in or near Parliament. The regime continues to be heavily guarded and insulated from its subjects or the consequences of its rule, including unemployment, poverty, terrorism, and declining security.


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31 May 2016

Brexit "beneficial" to trade: committee

The Blog


According to a British Parliamentary committee report, leaving the European Union could actually put Britain at certain economic advantages.


Various media have pointed out the battle of often inaccurate "claims and counter-claims made by both the leave and remain sides", as Treasury Select Committee Chairman Andrew Tyrie MP termed them.

The video below from 38 Degrees shows the endless trading of truths, half-truths and exaggerations by the two campaigns over the future of Britain and the EU.


Tyrie acknowledged, "the Committee confined itself to looking at economic costs and benefits. But this is only part of the story. For some, other issues are more important. As the founder of Leave.eu put it, for him: "this isn't about pounds and pence, it's about democracy"."

The "In" campaign tends to prey on economic fears. Head of Labour's "In" campaign Alan Johnson MP stated, "The economic evidence isn’t so much piling up as becoming a landslide: leaving Europe would hurt Britain’s economy." Anti-democratic war criminal Tony Blair said just holding the EU membership referendum itself is an "enormous economic problem".

However, there are actually strong arguments that leaving Europe would be economically wise and put Britain on a path to restoring its much-depleted international influence and wealth.

Britain outside the EU could enjoy what Tyrie called "potential beneficial opportunities". As the report stated, "high-quality trade agreements with countries like China, India and the United States" may become increasingly possible to sign after the United Kingdom is no longer constrained by EU regulations and dedication to the European market.

It is certain that there would be a major international realignment if Britain was outside the European Union. Whether Britain will become closer to the American regime or be pushed further away from it towards friendlier relations with emerging economies such as China is not clear.


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10 May 2016

Labour's anti-State of Israel scandal

The Blog


The L'Ordre blog based at Beliefnet comments on the recent so-called anti-Semitism scandal creating controversy in British politics.


This anti-Semitism scandal relates to comments by Labour Party members about Israel, and the view that Israel is responsible for conflict in the Middle East. Not tolerating this view, some MPs within the Opposition are responding with vicious rhetoric against anyone - including all British Muslims - who consider Israel guilty of war crimes in the Middle East.

From the blog on Saturday:
To ban boycotts and stifle criticism of Israel in Britain’s democracy... would be against diversity... and will destabilize British society, even creating escalating violence in coming decades. It is also likely that the Muslim population will then grow in even greater isolation from politics, while believers in “democracy” shrink, during such a period. Faith in democracy will be lost, and, once censored and prohibited from the democratic Opposition, youths will be more likely to choose the path of violence rather than debate.
Read more at http://www.beliefnet.com/columnists/lordre/2016/05/cracks-in-british-society-due-to-israel-or-muslims.html#Gca07CAUijpLO2PE.99
The post notes the views of Security Studies scholars that countering extremism depends more on making people feel included and making the political process work rather than excluding, ostracizing and banning minorities for their feelings about political issues. In view of this, the idea that extremism is to be countered by suspensions, bans and other crackdowns on anti-Israel views in the Labour Party is "the worst move ever".

In fact, the post argues for opposite measures to be taken, compared with what the Labour Party seems to be doing now. "Allow the minorities to find expression, give them a greater platform in Britain and a role in governing the country", the blog says.


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1 April 2016

Govt cowers under benefits protest

The Blog


A London protest against homicidal Tory disability benefit reforms was silenced on the air, with absurd reasons being offered by UK state and corporate media, Steve Topple writes.


Accusing the government of acting like a vicious mob while protesters assembled peacefully, Topple noted the protest was nevertheless a "triumph".

In the account, which appears at the blog Mutterings from the Left, skepticism about Britain's supposed democratic system is expressed. "MP’s are permitted to shout, hurl insults, espouse lies and propaganda and generally behave like a braying mob in one part of Parliament", Topple writes, while at the same time the very voters these rulers get their mandate from are not allowed to stage a peaceful benefits protest using banners nearby.

Commenting on the disaster of Tory benefits reforms, which were cruel enough to be mentioned by Iain Duncan Smith as a reason for his recent resignation, facts are pointed out by Topple:
  • "1000s of individuals have died after being declared “fit for work”"
  • "countless more have committed suicide after being left destitute by sanctions"
  • "rough sleeping has doubled since 2010"
  • "500,000 more children are in poverty.""
  • "£30 a week cut to ESA"
  • "the chaos that is Universal Credit"
  • "unnecessary stress surrounding the move from DLA to PIP"
  • "800,000 people are set to lose out because of clandestine changes to the tax credit system"
  • "Independent Living Fund that was abolished last year"
  • "there are already two UN investigations into possible human rights breaches by this Government going on (due to their “benefits reforms”)"

Topple says the UK mainstream media is completely ignoring these facts and refusing the cover them, as well as the benefits protest.


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29 March 2016

Conservatives disabled by IDS quitting

The Blog


Devastated by the resignation of Iain Duncan Smith, Britain's Conservative government is crumbling as its resentful and immoral treatment of disabled people becomes the focus of outrage.


A recent report from the House of Lords Disability Committee shows that government policy has failed disabled people in Britain, and the Opposition has not shied away from using this fact to spearhead its criticisms of the current regime.

With IDS quitting the cabinet, Chancellor George Osborne recently had to retreat on his idea of cutting Personal Independence Payments (PIP), with Labour Shadow DWP Secretary Owen Smith commenting authoritatively that the Conservatives should "find a conscience". Despite having to abandon the PIP cuts, the shadow Secretary points out  the Conservatives won't back down from their continued unethical cuts. They still intend to take £1,500 a year from each of almost 500,000 registered disabled people.

PIP payments go towards people whose are registered blind or have other conditions that prevent them from being able to manage their own daily lives. And while they don't have to worry about left without a helping hand by Cameron's callous government for now, thanks to its defeats, the government will still look for ways to take money away from the disabled and use it to "fund giveaways for the wealthiest and big business", as Smith said.


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15 March 2016

Cameron's PMQs fail gets him 1 star

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Weighing in on the incumbent Conservative government's poor record on support for vulnerable members of society, writer Steve Topple comments "Cameron spectacularly failed to answer one single question" from Opposition Leader Jeremy Corbyn during a recent session of Prime Minister's Questions (PMQs).


Topple dismissed PM David Cameron's responses as "dodgy statistics and retorts about a “growing economy”" that evidently are cherry picked from studies that also contained not-so-friendly analysis of the government's performance in welfare (conveniently omitted by Cameron). According to Topple:
"Ignoring Corbyn’s challenge to the utterly nefarious £30 cut to Employment and Support Allowance for those in the “Work-related Activity Group” (going against the House of Lords, and unending calls from charities and trade unions), Cameron trotted out his guff about a growing economy, and incredulously said that “reforming welfare” was helping to “get the deficit down… helping to deliver for working people in Britain”. (Working? Those 800,000 people on zero-hours contracts, perhaps.)"
Deeming such a response "contemptable", Topple gives some praise to Jeremy Corbyn, noting "Corbyn was actually asking him quite direct questions this week", departing from his previous excessive polite form. What Topple saw was a "more impassioned performance at PMQs", harrying the incumbent regime over the "overall disregard the Tories have for those at the lower rungs of society". Challenging the Prime Minister on the profound contribution of the current state to deepening child poverty in the name of reducing public spending, Corbyn also noted that "99%" of Cameron's responses to his questions had been insufficient.

Read Steve Topple's full post here

Ultimately, Steve Topple gives a tally: "Cameron – 2/10" (1 star); "Corbyn – 7/10" (3.5 stars), thus making Cameron's attempts to fend off Corbyn's questions and challenges a big fail.



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11 March 2016

Tories "cannot outsource" their failures

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Pointing out a deterioration in Britain to "second-rate public services", the Labour Party's Shadow Minister for the Cabinet Office said outsourcing and privatization can't change the fact Chancellor George Osborne is culpable.


Shadow Cabinet Office head Tom Watson (also Deputy Leader of the Labour Party) made the comment after the government announced it would review contracts with private company ATOS. Any review of contracts is meant to suggest ATOS is to blame for problems, rather than the government being to blame for foolishly awarding the contracts in the first place.

The penchant for privatization is shared by both Blairite anti-Corbyn policy advocates in the Labour Party, and the incumbent Conservative government. The free market forces embraced by such ideologues, however, have no bearing on whether companies awarded with government contracts are able to do their job effectively. In fact, once awarded with a government contract, private companies like G4S and ATOS are convinced that they are now safe to act as parasites, draining public money, escaping oversight, and no longer even having to compete with other companies.

Possibly worse, outsourcing Civil Service work to private organizations flagrantly violates the intentions of the Civil Service Code by delegating work to people who simply do not have to abide by that Code - something Tom Watson hints at when he says "until private providers of taxpayer-funded services are subject to the same transparency and accountability rules as their public counterparts, whatever steps the Cabinet Office takes to improve services are bound to fail".

Many of the organizations awarded with government contracts (especially G4S) have not only performed badly and failed to live up to the standards of government workers but have their own record of impunity, violations of human rights, and callous treatment of vulnerable people including the disabled. Nevertheless, they are left in charge of their own oversight and free from any intervention by real government officials.


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12 February 2016

Clinton campaign 'covers' NH defeat

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Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign planted an "inside sources" article at Politico supposedly anticipating the Clinton campaign's defeat in New Hampshire.


This is the suspicion of Thomas Knapp writing at his KN@PPSTER blog. Knapp notes how Hillary Clinton "responded" so promptly to so-called "rumors", saying "I'm very confident in the people that I have. I'm very committed to them; they're committed to doing the best we can."

Knapp wrote, "The Clinton campaign planted the Politico story, then offered the "response" so that no matter how things come out in New Hampshire tonight, their bases are covered. They've got preemptive explanations for whatever they decide to do." In sum, therefore, the Clinton campaign quickly planted articles and responses to make the impact of their defeat seem less severe in the public eye. Whether Clinton is going to lose the larger battle against opposing Democratic candidate Bernie Sanders is not clear.


The post at the blog quotes The New York Times where it is stated that in New Hampshire at least, Bernie Sanders was destined to be the victor "by a lopsided margin" due to being considered "honest and trustworthy" in contrast with the lying Clinton. This trend favoring the election of honest political leadership, after years of cynical lies and manipulation by warmongering state figures towards the public in the US, is comparable with the rise of Jeremy Corbyn to lead the Labour Party in the UK.

Thomas Knapp is the Director of the Garrison Center and a member of the digitized Mont Order society, who developed a code of values in late 2015 that briefly sums up the collective philosophy of its membership.


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11 December 2015

Blair rants to defend himself in article

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Wanted war criminal Tony Blair ranted in a recent article published at the UK magazine Spectator, in an attempt to defend himself.


Blair avoided mentioning Iraq or his crimes in that country throughout his article, instead focusing on what he called the "tragedy of the Labour party's current position".

Most of Blair's article was vacant and avoided making any particular statement other than vague references to his own ideas being more "realist", despite them leading to failures, humiliation and defeats such as the Iraq War or strongly related ongoing Syrian conflict. At one point, Blair almost mentioned the Iraq War, stating as follows:
Post 9/11 I became convinced that Islamist extremism was the security issue of our time. People can agree or disagree with the decisions which I took and the emphasis I put on the partnership with the USA, but I took them not in defiance of progressive politics but in furtherance of them.
In essence, Blair was trying to conflate illegal British aggression in support of right-wing American thuggery with "progressive politics". Other commentators may see Blair's article as Nineteenth Century imperialist drivel trying to portray the West as a superior civilization that is morally compelled to conquer others.

To date, Tony Blair and others who helped his regime commit a war of aggression in Iraq in 2003 have so far escaped trial or execution by international authorities for their crimes, despite overwhelming demands for neocon criminals to face justice.


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20 October 2015

Antistatist think tank on Jeremy Corbyn

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How should left-wing antistatists and anarchists see Jeremy Corbyn, current Leader of the Opposition in the UK, who is considered "hard-left" in the media?


Looking at the Center for a Stateless Society (C4SS) for commentary on Corbyn, you'll find only three articles mentioning his name right now. This is understandable, considering that Corbyn is a fairly new political animal for most people in the information media since his rise to leadership of the Labour Party.

Views at the the think tank, however, vary between quite enthusiastic support and expectations of severe disappointment to come if Corbyn doesn't turn out to be as radical as his supporters and detractors both claim him to be. The character of Jeremy Corbyn as someone who continually maintains his principles and fights for the public good against all the odds is not questioned, however, by either of these two competing viewpoints.

C4SS commentators Derek Wall and Kevin Carson both concurred that Jeremy Corbyn's success was a sign of progress. On 4 October, International Coordinator of the Green Party of England and Wales Derek Wall, who knows Jeremy Corbyn, wrote at C4SS that he was "amazed" by Corbyn's success, pointing out that Corbyn was far from a mainstream figure and was "more popular with Greens than his own party".

Also mentioning Corbyn in his response to Wall - which was not directly concerned with Jeremy Corbyn but with points of political theory - Carson gave the following commentary:
I see a great deal of promise in Corbyn’s distinction between state and social ownership — perhaps even some hope of a partial move back towards Colin Ward’s vision of public services organized around mutuals and friendly societies instead of government and corporate bureaucracies.
An earlier article published at C4SS, however, quotes another anarchist blog at length, questioning whether Corbyn will really change anything in Britain's political landscape. Blogger Pete James from Whatever-ism had predicted that Jeremy Corbyn would disappoint his supporters in the way Syriza had disappointed the Greek people after promising to defeat austerity.

The above skepticism mirrors a similar view advanced by leading American social scientist Immanuel Wallerstein, stating that elections have little impact on the world-system. Wallerstein also weighed in on the inherent weakness of national governments in challenging a historical social system like capitalism, which is ultimately how Greece was defeated by the interests of European and international bankers.

However, with the UK being a major financial player in the world-economy and linked integrally to the US, the threat from a Corbyn-ruled Britain to the capitalist historical system would be much more severe than anything from a peripheral European country like Greece. Wallerstein himself also described Corbyn's success as part of a global revival of the political left.


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18 September 2015

Topple: press "clowns" attack Corbyn

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Steve Topple has penned an analysis slamming the UK mainstream media's coverage of Jeremy Corbyn's new leadership of the Labour Party and calling for "boots on the ground" activism to derail public reliance on mainstream media.


An unreserved left wing writer, Topple praised Corbyn's party leadership election campaign as "grassroots activism, social media mobilisation and people telling an Establishment organisation to “get stuffed”". However, there is also a warning that these very modern methods used by Corbyn to win leadership of the party might not work on the whole national electorate.

"It was 251,417 people, to be precise – out of an electorate of 45 million", Topple pointed out. Most people still rely on a couple of mainstream television stations as the source of all their news shaping their worldview.

Topple's conclusion that "editorial rooms are not “cut off” from what the public think – they decide what we think, as has always been the case" resembles the arguments advanced in the booklet Media Control by Noam Chomsky. Namely, the idea that we live in fraudulent democracies in which, rather than deciding on the values of the state and putting the questions to our leaders as citizens of a true democracy would do, we instead get all our information stuffed down our throats and told what to believe.


Since all the questions and options posed to "democratic" leaders are pre-scriped in a studio, it is legitimate to question whether these leaders have any mandate from the public at all. According to Glen Greenwald's book No Place to Hide, the problem is worse in the US regime, but many of the facets of this problem have infected the British mainstream press corps as well.

Contacted for comment on his article, Topple explained his meaning of the "boots on the ground" action. The idea revolves mainly around direct action, including possibly DDOS cyber sit-ins, protest actions and strikes, as well as possible offensive cyber actions by groups like Anonymous.

Steve Topple is an anti-establishment writer, prolific Twitter user and contributor to Common Space who has been a listed brother of the Mont Order dissident society since April 2015.




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