Showing posts with label socialism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label socialism. Show all posts

8 May 2019

Did the Young Create a New Socialism?


A Review of Liam Young's book "Rise" (2018)

In the political establishment and its media, there is a "baffled air of ignorance surrounding the political engagement and opinions of young people", wrote influential pro-Corbyn Labour Party activist Liam Young in a book last year titled Rise: How Jeremy Corbyn Inspired the Young to Create a New Socialism.

In the 2018 book, the author argues young people have been compelled to get involved in politics because of Conservative-led austerity measures. For such young political campaigners, the motive is personal experience, with each campaigner having their own interest in overcoming student debt, zero-hours contracts and other impacts of government policy on them.

It is tempting to believe the author of Rise, who writes that the vast majority of the young really support Corbyn unflinchingly, even if the statistics in the book seem quite limited. Unfortunately, political apathy (at least when it comes to actually rolling up our sleeves and doing anything) is still prevalent among young people. There is the possibility that many young activists represent little more than a fleeting bubble of students and social media users, whose interest in the Labour Party is chiefly experimental and will pass as quickly as it began.

On the relentless criticism of the Opposition Leader in the media, Young channels the young of the Labour Party when he writes "we were being sold lies by well-known liars". It is indeed a puzzle that the press, supposedly with their finger on the public pulse, are not able to notice their own threadbare credibility and won't try to repair it, even in our times so dominated by the scorns of social media. They seem to know nothing about how normal people think, or what it might take to convince us to agree with them. Lone individual politicians like Corbyn seem to actually have more influence on us than the entire media establishment yapping at his feet, perhaps ever since they shed the last drop of their credibility to support Tony Blair's Iraq War.

One might find a paradox in the author labelling UK mainstream media simultaneously "right-wing" (p. 28) and a "liberal commentariat" (p. 48). However, this choice can be justified if one redefines the reactionary simply as a Macron, the dull yes-man of the reigning liberal state ideology and the hammer of the populists. Whatever worm is picked by the establishment, whether Conservative or Labour, "right" or "left", to oppose the people. Perhaps such a definition helps us also understand why so many apparent supporters of human rights turn out to be NATO tankies and airstrike-supporters willing to brainlessly hurl themselves at the official enemy.

Much-needed points are made in the book regarding the relationship between young political activists and Brexit. The author stated at the time, "There should be no worry within the Labour Party concerning a conflict between its position on Brexit and its support for the young", although flip-flopping on a possible second referendum has occurred anyway since the author wrote those words. The television might want you to think otherwise, but the young were actually much more engaged in support of Corbyn in the 2017 snap general election than they were in the Brexit vote, at least Young's book argues.

Going back a few years, the author notes how young people were betrayed by Nick Clegg after he had successfully mobilised them with his promise to write off student debt. This destroyed his political career, Young claims. It cemented views among the young that politicians are all the same. Corbyn differs from this, and the difference he presents helped rekindle the interest of the young. The pragmatic approach of Miliband is gone, replaced by Corbyn's honest and consistent track record as a dissident.

More than the appeal of his underdog status, Young says Jeremy Corbyn's appeal to 18-24-year-olds rests in his desire to listen. He is receptive and caring, and will ensure the young can decide the policies affecting them rather than accepting the decrees of the "tired establishment". From Corbyn there is no condescension, preaching, or authority. In response one might argue that while such ways are indeed favoured by young people at present, they do not necessarily indicate capable political leadership. Unwillingness so assert authority in the face of numerous challenges and insults far beyond the norm could be considered a weakness, and it is possible that the onslaught of hostility against Corbyn from top individuals within the party is more than most leaders would ever tolerate. Nevertheless, the overwhelmingly gentle approach Corbyn takes clearly strengthens his appeal at least with the younger demographic, and through them he has a strong element ever rushing to his support within the party.

The participation of under-24s in the 2017 election was explained poorly by both the Conservatives and many within Labour, and the author of Rise does not forgive them for it. Explanations included the allegation Corbyn bribed students by offering to abolish their tuition fees and cancel debts, and the claim Corbyn only appealed to the liberal young intelligentsia. Such ideas are refuted by some solid statistics presented by the author. Of particular interest is the finding by Young that genuinely working-class young voters, not necessarily from liberal and student circles at all, are undeniably drawn to Corbyn. His appeal to this demographic has been authentic, or so say the book's figures. Contrastingly, Young describes how the interests of younger generations are only weakly and hastily addressed by the Conservatives and excluded from their policies.

The "tired establishment" Young describes in both the government and the opposition parties resent the youth of the country and the social media they so favour. Young believes we can see this in their attempts to forbid such influences in practice and downplay their significance in their rhetoric. Discussing Momentum, Young asserts the group's social media power intimidated the Conservative Party and prompted ill-advised copycats who have yet to demonstrate any similar reach. It is possible however that tech companies, aligned with the same liberal commentariat rejected by Young, will thwart groups like Momentum in an effort to stall the passions of "populism" in favour of fading authorities. Companies like Facebook have been pushed and shoved to become boring censors on behalf of the state and mainstream media to fulfil a highly reactionary role, muffling dissenting views and shadow-banning many. They are onboard with the same MPs and journalists whose own freedom of speech and immunity from prosecution are abused to demand censorship against other people, bemoaning the smallest squeaks of ordinary citizens at the mercy of their power.

One weakness of the book might lie in its unscientific assertions the Conservative Party's views are "dying out along with their voters". This reference to the old comes across as a poor choice. Where is the study showing a staggeringly greater proportion of 18-24 year olds hold radical or anti-mainstream views now than in any other historical period? It may be that the problem for Labour isn't a specific generation of older people who are still alive to vote, as Young seems to argue. Instead, the age issue may indicate many people turn to the political right after becoming homeowners, parents, high-rate taxpayers, pensioners or some other category the Conservatives invest quite a bit in getting votes from. There has probably always been a correlation between university education, radicalism and youth. There is also possibly a correlation between youth, unemployment and anti-Conservative views, although it is not the task of this book review to provide such a study.

The observations in Liam Young's book do not indicate some hypothetical future where people remain youthfully radical despite aging. It is hard to deny we will inevitably change, as political views do change with age. Saying old people who vote Tory will be "dying out" to be replaced with young Labour voters not only defies the simple fact people age but ignores statistics showing the population is aging. Many people of a highly conservative mindset were potentially quite radical in their youth. The Labour Party may have lost the support of such people to the Conservatives over many years, making it a valueless observation or even a weakness for Labour to be enjoying disproportionate loyalty from the young rather than the old.

Saying old people are a "dying breed" is unhelpful. We must assume we will all age and die. Just because elderly people may pass away sooner does not mean their interests and sensibilities can be dismissed in politics. The case for old people is just as strong and convincing as the case for the young. In fact, any claim of old people dying off entirely as a demographic and being unable to decisively influence future elections is an offensive absurdity, unless the author is professing to have invented some plague.

While one can sound wise by repeating the conventional wisdom that young people are the future and the old need to step aside, one can also sound wise by pointing out that the money to fund our future comes from the old. Old people would be right to feel irritated by young people trying to prematurely declare them dead and boldly assert how all the revenues collected from them may be better spent. We must remember that our country itself was inherited from older generations, including people who are literally dead, and this does not diminish it or our obligations to honour them in any way.

As painful as it is to admit it, there is a risk Labour's youth surge is not as decisive as it seems and could backfire. If we are trading in our support of older people in favour of the young, replacing seasoned supporters with a temporary wave of support from curious teens and early 20s, the surge will be transitory and ultimately fade away. If we fight out a battle between age groups, rather than focusing on common ground and compassion between as many varieties of people as possible, it will be pointlessly destructive.

Despite the subtitle of the book, "How Jeremy Corbyn Inspired the Young to Create a New Socialism", Young does not try to explain what "new socialism" is, beyond "opposition to neoliberalism" and "what the people want". Isn't it supposed to be a completed new ideology or doctrine? Since the first World Social Forum in 2001, the global left has tried and struggled to adopt a consensus-based post-Cold War socialist economic model as a strong and compelling alternative to the neoliberal capitalist monolith. Intellectual effort continues to be expended, but a contender has yet to arise from all of this conversation in utopistics. The Labour Party itself has settled more for a soft capitalist economics best described as the entrepreneurial state, with a focus on reinvigorated state-funded science, renationalisation and rejection of private sector "myths" and propaganda. This is hardly a "new socialism". Hope as we may, we are not yet in a position to pronounce the full return of socialism's name to the ideological and economic prominence it was given by so many during the previous century. It may simply never happen, although this admission should be taken as no praise for the political right.



In Rise, we are told the young were "innovating solutions to the problems we face" (p. 232). Like what? The book has argued convincingly that Labour is the best choice for young people, but it has not done anything to show young people came up with any actual political solutions, let alone a new socialism.

Young's case for reducing the voting age to 16 is sound, but it can be safely assumed that many parents will tell these young adults how to vote and are the main influence on younger voters already. This may seem bad so some, while others may argue that the amplifying effect it would have on the voices of poor families can only be a good thing for a state that has done too little for them.

The conclusion of Young's book is still convincing. Opposition to the supposed political consensus and the mainstream media are common to young people. They do want radically competing visions and parties when going to the ballot box rather than dull, risk-free compromises. Support of anti-establishment left movements by young activists has had a global impact, not because young people are somehow becoming a bigger sector of the population or more confident but because their social media skill has allowed them to punch far above their weight. There are parallels between Corbyn in the UK and Bernie Sanders in the US, with both of their campaigns alive with power and enthusiasm largely because of the internet.

It is worth finishing by pointing out a "new socialism" as some formal ideology is hardly even necessary in the long term. What we have now is unsustainable. Neoliberalism is a failure. This version of capitalism has unfortunately been a fountain of crisis, poverty and the tired Thatcherite refrain since the 1980s that we have no alternative. That is the only reason anyone needs to hear Corbyn out.

Harry Bentham


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21 September 2016

Owen Smith inflames Labour Party divisions: socialist paper

The Blog


A socialist paper has warned against the disaster that would follow if alternative leader Owen Smith were to defy all odds and defeat Jeremy Corbyn's popular leadership of the UK's Labour Party.


Socialist tabloid The Morning Star tackled Smith's threatening statements that much of the Labour Party membership should be expelled for their participation in grassroots activist organizations like Momentum.

Smith controversially described Momentum members as parasites using Labour as a "host", a remark slammed by The Morning Star in its Monday 19 editorial. Tony Blair admirer Owen Smith "could refrain from threatening the mass expulsion of members of Momentum or insulting the thousands of loyal Labour Party members who comprise its membership as “parasites.”" the daily stated.

The paper predicted Smith "might create a superficially less divided party" if he were to win, but fail to address "the millions who have made it abundantly clear that they are sick of the status quo." Smith threatens to reduce Corbyn's Labour to an "out-of-touch Establishment party with no answers" that will fail to attract any new voters.

Link: Smith Is No Unity-Builder


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10 June 2016

Surveillance state's setbacks in Britain

The Blog


The British regime has been forced to make concessions to the Opposition on a controversial surveillance charter in progress.


Based on demands by the Labour Party, the Investigatory Powers Bill will need to include a clause guaranteeing the importance of privacy, among other concessions.

Calling the concessions a "historic move" that had been won thanks to campaigning by Labour, Opposition MPs still consider the bill to be deeply flawed. Nevertheless, they are confident that recent changes to the bill adequately protect trade unions, and also provide for all decisions to be questioned by authorities independent of the Government.

The Investigatory Powers Bill had been intended to justify and broaden already extensive human rights-violating surveillance programs used by the regime to target its own people, supposedly in the belief they are a threat to the regime. Although claiming to be protecting "British values" and "national security", Britain subserviently sends all its data to foreign powers such as the United States and Israel, imperiling its own subjects and helping other countries kill them.

Experts, including within the US regime who are developing and applying all the latest totalitarian surveillance methods, believe the British public are more accepting of surveillance than other populations. Arguably, Britain's archaic political system and traditions have left many taxpayers in apathy, with a view that rulers are somehow magically ordained to do whatever they want once they get into office.

Any severe criticism of the British Government is prohibited in all spaces where it might have any effect on the lives of politicians, especially in or near Parliament. The regime continues to be heavily guarded and insulated from its subjects or the consequences of its rule, including unemployment, poverty, terrorism, and declining security.


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10 May 2016

Millennials hate capitalism and greed

The Blog


In a May 1st article appearing at the Center for a Stateless Society website, anti-statist writer Kevin Carson explains why Millennials tend to respond positively to the term "socialism" in poll results. Capitalism gets a much more negative reaction.


This is especially relevant now as people wonder why the "democratic socialist" Bernie Sanders was able to go toe-to-toe with corporate backed Hillary Clinton for Democratic Party nomination as President of the United States. It happened despite many Americans (likely older generations) despising anything called "socialism" and assuming it to be solely the work of North Korea or Joseph Stalin.

Carson explained that the Millennial generation is distressed by the greed and oppression brought about by modern corporate capitalism. Many young people are familiar with the ideas of academics who try to explain just how disfiguring and tyrannical current capitalism is. Rampant capitalism is is actually coercing even the capitalists' favorite bogeyman - the regulatory state - just for its own profit.

Alluding to sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein's theory (read all our coverage of Wallerstein) of the expansion of capitalism across the world, Carson writes that Millennials have got it right if they associate capitalism with greed and power rather than freedom:
Historical capitalism began five or six centuries ago, not with free markets, but with the conquest of the free towns by the absolute states and the mass expropriation of peasants from their traditional rights to the land by the landed oligarchy, and continued with the colonial conquest of most of the world outside Europe. Since then capital has continued to rely heavily on the state to socialize its operating costs, erect barriers to competition, and enforce illegitimate title to all the land and natural resources engrossed in previous centuries. This history of conquest, robbery and enslavement is in the basic genetic code of contemporary corporate capitalism.
Some writers have tried to explain away Millennials' positive views of socialism with the condescending assertion they are "confused" about dictionary definitions. Carson dismissed this assertion as "dumb" and devoid of any comprehension of history.


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11 March 2016

Wallerstein: Is it left to be nationalist?

The Blog


Observing why a new unified global political left ideology or platform has become so difficult to create, social scientist Immanuel Wallerstein tackled the question of whether the left should be nationalist or globalist in outlook.


Prominent left wing anti-imperialist theorists, going back as far as Frantz Fanon or Edward Said, held a belief in a strong patriotic movement by colonial subjects to gain their freedom from the international capitalist bourgeois class (if we are to use old Marxist terminology). Samir Amin is possibly the one who best expresses such thinking at a theoretical level today.

Other left wing theorists are avowed antistatists, who emphasize the boundless nature of class, with exploited and oppressed people existing in all nation-states and their oppressors hopping freely from country to country to maintain global exploitation. In theoretical terms, it is starkly clear that proponents of left internationalism and antistatism are more faithful to the social science behind left wing groups and movements. By comparison, left wing nationalism has been ad hoc or influenced by cultural details, and usually justified by the needs of the moment to oppose wars of meddling and intervention by the west (e.g. Algeria in Fanon's time, or Syria now).

Immanuel Wallerstein's commentary from 15 February points out the problem of the ideological gulf between anti-imperialist patriotic and cultural movements and globalist left-wing social theory and liberation, by asking the question:
Is it left to be internationalist, one-worldist, or is it left to be nationalist against the intrusion of powerful world forces? Is it left to be for the abolition of all frontiers or for the reinforcement of frontiers? Is it class-conscious to oppose nationalism or to support national resistance to imperialism?
Wallerstein doesn't answer from his own heart, but asks us to think about this. However, as a Beliefnet response points out, there is a "strongly seductive anti-nation-state thread" in all of Wallerstein's writing. It is clear that he would fall onto the globalist side in such a debate, as would any left wing proponents of technological modernity and digital activism such as the technoprogressives (including this very blog!).

The inability to reconcile left wing national liberation causes with theories of global oppression and liberation is crippling the left's ability to appeal to people as a united and coherent ideology (the way Socialism did in the old days of the late 19th and early to mid 20th Century) according to Wallerstein. As Wallerstein concludes, "the failure of the global left to enter into a collective internal debate in a solidary manner undermines the ability of the global left to be a principal actor today on the world scene".


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4 September 2015

Elections irrelevant to the world-system

The Blog


Creator of the world-systems approach to political science, Immanuel Wallerstein, argues that anxiety-based electoral campaigns in the US and elsewhere will have no impact on the crisis of the world-system.


While noting that wise elections of more humane leaders can "minimize the pain" of the world's impoverished social classes and regions, Wallerstein stated that nothing can change the crisis of the modern world-system and the need to replace the current world order with a better one. Wallerstein terms the alternate economy he is referring to as a "post-capitalist" one, and has referred to it in past essays as a "socialist" world government of sorts.

Immanuel Wallerstein is not a radical left-wing philosopher and is actually the world's top sociologist, who sees the current world economy as unsustainable and destined to replaced by the aforementioned global alternative.

Commentating on the candidacy of Donald Trump in the US 2016 elections, as well as Bernie Sanders, Wallerstein described both of them as campaigning on the basis of "anxiety" that comes from growing global unemployment - although in their cases they focus on the US's part in it. Wallerstein characterized Trump's anti-immigrant rhetoric as something that will be unavailing, with geopolitics and the forces of the world-system in the end dooming this rhetoric to fail as any kind of policy.

Wallerstein dismissed that the most Trump could accomplish through his anti-immigrant rhetoric is "there is some tightening on the entry of migrants and some tightening of welfare state expenditures for the poorest sectors of the population. There is some increased anti-minority violence within the country."

While labeling such possibilities as "negatives", Wallerstein stressed that the real battle is not about elections or who wins them, and rather we "have to fight the longer middle-run (20-40 years) battle of transforming the capitalist system into the kind of post-capitalist one that will be better and not worse than the present one. If Wallerstein's sociology is credible, the futuristic alternative would be a world where authority is diminished significantly, ownership and rent are nonexistent much as the Venus Project advocates, and the world is governed as a single human community rather than a set of protectionist nation-states.


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10 February 2015

On @iwallerstein's #Socialist Civilization

@hjbentham.


The writings of Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein, the highly influential American historical social scientist, consistently forecast “our future world-government” will ensure a “socialist mode of production” worldwide.1 We currently live in an exciting transition period to this world system. This article is endorsing some of the exciting guidelines and commands in Wallerstein’s writing, all of which aim to give extra illumination to help us cultivate a better world system.


In the conclusion of a polemic delivered in 1975,2 Immanuel Wallerstein stated that the “socialist mode of production” awaiting us after the collapse of our current world economy would constitute a maximally “free” economic order and make descriptions of the existing “free market” system pale by comparison.3 In Wallerstein’s insightful criticisms, the current system gives only partial freedom of the factors of production.3 This is because the current global system of production depends on a massive “axial division of labor”4consistent with the North-South divide between the high-tech areas and the low-tech exploited areas predominantly located in the so-called Third World. Wallerstein views this geographically-scaled class struggle as the central tension5 that is destined to shape the transformation away from our global system of exploitation to a system of freedom. Through these theories, we may even determine that he tacitly endorses a war of maneuver to shock and incapacitate the high-tech regions’ advantages in production. If this interpretation of the theory holds true, then those of us who equip ourselves with his theory are in an exciting position and it will only get better. Our world is (was in 1975) a “capitalist world-economy in the early stages of its transition to a socialist world-government.”6 And what more exciting time could there be for a progressive person than now, nearly four decades after his words were written and his forecasts came ever closer to reality?

This article’s main point is to express how, as activists and arguers, some of us should feel no less than delighted at the offering of potential political roads to an alternate world system. That is, we can take inspiration from the scholars, as I am seeking to do in this article, and use their ideas to create guidelines for good social and political causes. By keeping the most illuminating elements of theory involved, it is clear that our arguments would surely be better-informed and less blind than other forms of political and social militancy. Having started with this premise, let me present some of the most exciting details provided in Wallerstein’s work to help our participation in the great transition of our time.

Wallerstein says in his essay, “Development of the World System?”, that “we are before an historical and collective choice, the kind that comes rarely and is not the lot of every generation of mankind.”7 He is clear in advancing that the favorable conclusion, socialist world government, is not the definite outcome but it is the obligation of us to strive for it without omitting any choices of tactic along the way. In essence, those involved need to strive to pave the political and economic way for a socialist civilization to take hold over the world as the next system.8

Let us consider, next, the guidelines for our political tactics. Unfortunately, dominant “anti-systemic movements,” or progressive groups, helped sustain the system by “taking state power and operating within an interstate system,”9the interstate system being the political superstructure of the system. Perhaps the most favorable progressive group would therefore be a movement with designs no less grand than taking on the entire world system itself and dismantling the vestiges of its exploitative superstructure. It would not view itself as acting within the international system, but acting from outside it to transform it and impose a different, namely socialist, civilization.

The goal of this socialist civilization has been written into the course of history already. The slogan of liberty, equality and fraternity presents “the images of a social order different from ours, one that might one day be constructed.”10 In effect, what we can read is a statement of approval for the existing cultural and intellectual war of position by the New Left to imagine our coming socialist civilization. Equality, Wallerstein writes, has only failed to materialize because the dominant liberal ideology of the current world system refuses the final liberation of the poorest elements of the world from exploitation.11 Just as the ideological exposure of this great hypocrisy is the task of the intellectual’s war of position, so the task of our war of maneuver might be to shock the foundations of that structure and take out the cornerstone. Our socialist world system needs total freedom, with no controls on the movement of ideas, capital and people. These three are constantly on the march due to technology, but ugly reactionary realities obstructing them still need to be knocked out.

In his “Quest for a Just Society” essay, Wallerstein encourages our awareness that global change entails a tremendous challenge before it can take place, and the transition will take place over years that “will be terrible ones in terms of human social relations – the period of disintegration” and “transition to an uncertain alternative.”12 This however “dark” period must be regarded with excitement by those who love change. Indeed, the throes of extreme reaction in the world today are evidence of the transition itself. We are witnessing the birth pangs of the next order, so we should delight in spite of all the terror, knowing it is the necessary terror of modernity’s next turn. The French Revolution required terror too, but we would never have again heard of “politics” and “legitimacy” if this terror had not been allowed to work in reconstructing the world system.

The political realization of the new order is unavoidable. All things will settle again when the transition is complete. In “The Agonies of Liberalism”, Wallerstein announces “out of chaos will come a new order.”13 The states structure, a vestigial feature of the corrupt system of global exploitation of weaker regions and people, will collapse through growing insecurity and porosity of borders. All barriers will break down and nothing, whether people, capital or technology, will be contained as we see the pool of equality grow. The nation-state must disappear because it is a vestige of the system, after which authority will be decentralized along an equal plane across the world as wealth begins to flow with maximal freedom. Any concept of the citizen will be forgotten altogether as humanity takes its place at the center of social legitimation. Dilution of privilege, equalization of wealth, and decentralization of technology are the political sides of the transition. No longer will the world economy be the zero sum game it was. Instead, the pool of equality will absorb everything and be the new system. No ownership would then exist, so all things would belong to everyone and no-one.

To add to the detail as to why and how the system will collapse due to its own structural faults and our proactive militancy against its rotting foundation, Wallerstein’s essay “Long Waves as Capitalist Process”, considers the demise of our current world economy. In the most summarized explanation of a lengthy and thoroughly documented body of theory, the world economy of the present cannot obtain equilibrium because its historical lifespan is limited and the system is paradoxical.14 With this in mind we can imagine an additional feature of our socialist mode of production. Equilibrium, and with it the political equivalent in the form of lasting peace, can only exist in a socialist civilization with complete economic equality, redistribution and freedom. Devoid of monopoly and oligopoly, devoid of masters of wealth, the riches of mankind will collapse into one pool where we find our lot as equals.

To conclude on the brightest and most optimistic note, we can wonder if “emerging technology” perhaps accelerates our claim to a socialist world system. Is it already reshaping power relations? Let us hope even more! Let us imagine that the Internet is not just a foretaste of the massive emancipating effects of technology on the masses of the world, but a virtual experiment in the next mode of production – a socialist mode of production. Still, let us heed Wallerstein’s warning not to blind ourselves with zeal on a path that is still so fuzzy and uncertain,15 but let us not ignore the possibilities of emerging technology for redressing the severest economic and political inequalities in the world.



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6 January 2015

Private Armies: Capitalism's Backup Plan

. @KevinCarson1. #statelesssociety. #antisec.


Could Capitalism Reconstitute Itself With Private Armies?


On NAASN, an email list for anarchist academics, Wayne Price (whose review of my book I previously replied to here) responded to someone else’s proposal to “abolish the state and see if capitalism survives until sunrise” as follows:

[This is] what most people probably think anarchists advocate: society just as it is but with no police.

What would happen (if such a transformation were to magically occur) would be that the capitalists would re-create the state — as likely as that capitalism would crumble. The big corporations would soon build up their private police corps (“security forces,” rent-a-cops) and merge them or let the strongest ones take over the rest. Meanwhile the Mafia would be rapidly organizing its own forces. One or the other (or a combination of both) would become the new state, or at least make a try for it.

The thing is, the state and capitalism are thoroughly intertwined, along with all other systems of oppression (racism, sexism, national oppressions, etc.). They each support and are supported by the whole system of oppressions. I think of it like a pile of pick-up-sticks. Some sticks are more to the center of the pile (particularly the state and capitalism) but they all support each other. All must be overthrown and dismantled.

This is a fairly common argument, and his statement of it is as good as any I’ve seen.

I’ll start by saying I don’t see much practical use in a scenario of abolishing the state before everything else. First of all, as anything other than a thought experiment the whole idea of a “magic button” to abolish the state is just silly. But the scenario is also irrelevant precisely because, as Price points out, the state, capitalism and other aspects of the system are all thoroughly intertwined. Like him, I see the overall structure of the system as a pile of pick-up-sticks. The state and capitalism are close to the center; but I would go further and say that the state is more central than capitalism, and capitalism would be fatally undermined without the state.

The semi-facetious proposal to “see if capitalism survives until sunrise” was intended, I believe, not as a proposal to leave the economy exactly as it is minus the state, but a suggestion that without the constant intervention of the state big business would shrivel up like a garden slug with salt on its back.

I believe that both corporate capitalism and the state as we know it are parts of the same dying system, and it will die as a whole. But capitalism is dying because it increasingly depends on the state to subsidize a growing share of its inputs and to enforce monopolies like “intellectual property” on which its business models increasingly depend. And the state is dying because capital’s needs for such inputs are growing faster than it can supply them, and hence bankrupting it; because technology is making the enforcement of such monopolies far more difficult; and because a cultural phase transition associated with network communications is undermining the consensus reality on which the state’s aura of legitimacy depends.

I also regard Price’s scenario of capitalism reconstituting the state through private security forces as highly unlikely. First of all, capitalism didn’t come about in the first place without the prior existence of the state, and the large-scale use of state power to bring capitalism into existence. In Europe this meant the enclosure of the open fields and common pasture and waste, the reduction of free towns by absolute monarchies with gunpowder armies, the criminalization of mutual aid, free association and free movement by workers. Globally it meant the reduction of the entire global south to European control, the expropriation of most of their land for cash crop production, the extraction of their mineral wealth, the reduction of their populations to slavery, and suppression of domestic industry in the colonied countries.

And second, capitalism is already dying right now despite the state, because its growing demands for the state to prop it up have surpassed the ability of the state to fulfill.

The whole point of the state under capitalism is exogenous enforcement at taxpayer expense. Whole categories of property (in which the actual costs of excluding squatters and homesteaders exceed the likely revenue of the property) are only cost-effective right now because the costs are externalized on the taxpayers. And capitalism in general depends on externalities — on externalizing costs and risks onto a general tax base rather than paying them out of revenues. Capitalism is profitable only because its operating costs and risks are socialized by the state, and its privatized extraction of rents is enforced by the state. If it had to operate on its own nickel, it wouldn’t be capitalism any more.

Subsidies and externalities depend on the existence of a territorial state funded with money other than that of its corporate beneficiaries, and hence able to extract revenue from a popular tax base.

So for those corporate police forces and military forces to be effective at functioning as a capitalist state, they would first have to be able to secure territorial control sufficient to extract general revenues from a popular tax base to fund the policing actions out of something besides corporate revenue.

And in the meantime, the actual costs of subsidies, exogenous enforcement, and all the other forms of cost socialization are leading to O’Connor’s “fiscal crisis of the state” and already making capitalism unsustainable.

Large-scale corporate manufacturing, despite propagandists of mass production like Schumpeter, Galbraith and Chandler, is actually less efficient for the most part than small-scale production close to the point of consumption. It’s only able to stay in business because it’s not operating on its own nickel, and the state criminalizes a great deal of the more efficient competition. Because large-scale capitalist manufacturing and agriculture have pursued a wasteful growth model based on the extensive addition of subsidized inputs rather than increased efficiency in the use of existing inputs, state subsidies have tended to create a positive feedback loop in which the demand for subsidized inputs has grown faster than the state can appropriate money to provide them. This wasteful use of inputs includes cheap raw materials obtained through colonialism and neocolonialism overseas, federal preemption of oil and mineral deposits domestically, and large-scale agribusiness with preferential access to encgrossed or stolen land. But it also includes, increasingly, the socialization of labor training costs, research and development and long-distance distribution, as well as eminent domain and caps on liability — the list is endless.

On top of this are other crises, like the growing tendencies toward chronic overaccumulation and underconsumption, which require enormous state spending to soak up surplus investment capital and utilize excess industrial capacity, and constant wars to open up foreign markets for the dumping of surplus capital. Chronic deficit spending itself is increasingly necessary to increase aggregate demand, as well as indirectly providing a sort of “price-support subsidy” for idle capital by financing the deficit with guaranteed-return government bonds.

Taken together, all these things are driving the state to bankruptcy.

So if corporate capitalism is dying right now from the unsustainable costs of propping it up through the state, wouldn’t the capital outlays of recreating the same system, and reconstituting a tax base through territorial conquest, be even higher? If a tax-funded state is unable to meaningfully enforce the copyright and patent monopolies that are the greatest source of corporate monopoly rents, how will the record companies and Microsoft enforce something like the DMCA out of their own private revenues going to a police corporation? And what about the need to reduce transaction costs of enforcement by recreating the whole aura of legitimacy and the cultural reproduction apparatus from scratch?

I’ve seen the East India Company put forward as a counter-example, but I think the tools of networked resistance, cheap area denial weapons and widespread ownership of firearms have significantly shifted the advantage towards defense since the Seventeenth Century. As it is, the most powerful empire in history pulled out of Iraq because it was being bled dry by cheap IEDs. Who will Halliburton, Blackwater and Pinkerton call in as backup when its rent-a-cops are cut to ribbons by more and cheaper of the same IEDs, 3D-printed drones, and Sunburn missiles destroying their corporate aircraft carriers? Who did they call for back-up the last time when their mercenaries were burned alive in Fallujah? To borrow a phrase from Steve Earle, they’ll never come back from Copperhead Road.

And the Mafia really isn’t a plausible model for reconstituting the state, because organized crime depends for its revenues on the prior existence of a state to criminalize the goods it traffics in. If all consensual activities like drugs and sex work are legal, what will be the revenue base? Then, too, getting back to my point about the technological shifts in favor of popular self-defense, even in the areas of Mexico where the drug cartels act in direct collusion with local and regional government officials, the autodefesa movement has had remarkable successes in driving them out of villages.

If state-backed capitalism dies of bankruptcy and resource/input crises, I don’t see the corporations beating the Second Law of Thermodynamics and unscrambling the egg.

By Kevin Carson - More articles by Kevin Carson

Originally published at the Center for a Stateless Society on 30 December 2014.

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Who Stole Yesterday’s Tomorrow?

. @joelschlosberg. #flyingcars. #tech.


It’s 2015. Has anyone seen our flying cars?

How about the tranquility and economic security that, beyond the cool gadgetry, created the appeal of the 2015 of Back to the Future Part II? Why do they seem as absent as its faxes and laserdiscs? And why, midway through the half-century anniversary of the 1964-1965 World’s Fair, does its tomorrow seem as crumbling as its remaining buildings (last seen alongside their fellow 1960s kitsch, the Keane paintings of Big Eyes)?

Marty McFly wasn’t the first traveler to a future American paradise. A century before, Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward: 2000-1887 sent protagonist Julian West forward to a 2000 utopia ushered in by a nationalized economy. West is as wowed by the bountiful products of central planning as Marty is by hoverboards; the conspicuous absence of anti-consumerist sour grapes is startling in post-Trabant retrospect. Well before the year 2000, however, it looked like Back to the Future Part II‘s Reagan-style private enterprise had won the day. If anything might bring mushrooming productivity and a concomitant dwindling of working hours, it was not Bellamyite efficiency but business competition, a la the Spacely Sprockets-Cogswell Cogs rivalry that gave The Jetsons’ patriarch a two-hour workweek to be late for.

But maybe Mattel and Pepsi aren’t all that different from Bellamy’s planned economy.

Scrutiny bears out David Graeber’s suggestion that Marx and Engels “were right to insist that the mechanization of industrial production would destroy capitalism; they were wrong to predict that market competition would compel factory owners to mechanize anyway. If it didn’t happen, that is because market competition is not, in fact, as essential to the nature of capitalism as they had assumed.” Markets have an affinity with technology that benefits the ordinary people engaging in its exchange, enabling them to leverage the value they create while lessening the labor needed to obtain that value. Thus free markets are an existential danger to all third-party institutions whose wealth is appropriated from the products of traders’ labor.

Forestalling the development of such technology is the corporate state alliance observed by Robert Anton Wilson, in which “big unions, the corporations, and government have all tacitly agreed to slow down the pace of cybernation, to drag their feet and run the economy with the brakes on.”

The perennial calls for a new moon shot or Manhattan Project assume that large-scale centralized projects, by either government or Ma Bell-style corporate monopolies, are necessary for technological leaps. But as Ralph Nader pointed out, even in the twentieth century dominated by such goliaths, “[t]he firms which introduced stainless steel razor blades (Wilkinson), transistor radios (Sony), photocopying machines (Xerox), and the ‘instant’ photograph (Polaroid) were all small and little known when they made their momentous breakthroughs.”

Bellamy’s most prescient follower may have been Ernest B. Gaston, who synthesized Looking Backward with the other major American reform book of the time, Henry George’s Progress and Poverty. Gaston’s own real-life utopian experiment, Fairhope, pinned its “fair hope” for Bellamy’s harmonious future on voluntary cooperation within George’s market competition.

Where we’re going, we don’t need the government — or corporations — to build roads.

By Joel Schlosberg - More articles by Joel Schlosberg

Originally published at the Center for a Stateless Society on 02 January 2015.

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9 December 2014

Bitcoin and the Third World: "a blessing"

. @toholdaquill. #bitcoin. #poverty.


Roughly half the world’s population does not have -- and is unable to get -- a bank account. The unbanked are limited in their ability to rise from poverty. They are forced to engage in small-scale local commerce, and are unable to grow beyond those limitations. This is often by design. In many parts of the world (some would argue all), the oligarchies that run the banks want to keep the masses down, under control, in their place.

Bitcoin changes all that. Now anyone with a cheap mobile phone can send and receive micro-payments for pennies per transaction. No longer are the unbanked constrained by limitations of distance -- a grandmother knitting in Timbuctu can sell her wares online and receive instant payment from a buyer in London. No middleman. No banks. No painful fees for international transactions.

Bitcoin is a blessing for the world’s poor. By permitting individuals to “be their own bank,” the cryptocurrency redistributes economic and political power that, since the rise of fiat currency, has rested almost entirely in the hands of governments and central banks.

Complaints about fiat currency are Bitcoin proponents’s strongest arguments. Unlike silver or gold, which has inherent value--value which the government cannot destroy without debasing the currency with some cheaper metal--fiat currency is backed by no more than the “faith and credit” of the world’s government.

That faith and credit, as we have seen in the twentieth century, is not worth much. Fiat currency has concentrated power into increasingly fewer hands--and that power corrupts. The government’s power to print money (“quantitative easing”) whenever it happens to be convenient destroys the value of every dollar (or pound sterling, or Euro) in existence. This is worse than debasing silver coinage, because at least pre-debased coins continued to contain the old percentage of silver. “Money-printing” is impossible in a truly decentralized cryptocurrency like Bitcoin, where mathematics and cryptography prevent such an occurrence.

(As an aside, it is worth noting that Bitcoin is currently having a mild crisis, due to threat of a 51% attack. Mining pool Ghash.io now controls slightly more than 50% of all Bitcoin transactions. Such a scenario makes Bitcoin no longer a truly decentralized cryptocurrency, since in theory Ghash could accept or reject transaction on a whim, or as a result of a government court order. However, moves are afoot to change the Bitcoin code to prevent such large mining pools from existing and threatening the Bitcoin ecosystem.)

So let’s assume Bitcoin evolves to overcome this current challenge. How can poor people making micro-transaction use Bitcoin to improve their lives?

Well, let’s look at a Bitcoin-like monetary system currently in use in East Africa: M-PESA.

The basics are encouraging: “One study found that in rural Kenyan households that adopted M-PESA, incomes increased by 5-30%,” reports The Economist. Indeed, one of the principal motivators for the creation of M-PESA was to make it easy for urban workers to send money home to their families in the country.

Imagine what would happen if you could do the same thing, only instead of on a domestic scale, on a truly international scale. Every year, half a trillion dollars changes hands around the world in the form of remittances. And agents like Western Union and MoneyGram are taking an average of 9% to 25% of that money, according to Alan Safahi, CEO of ZipZap.

At this point critics inevitably start talking about “money laundering” and “terrorism,” which basically means “We the Corporate Oligarchy Don’t Want You to Control Your Own Money.” One is rather reminded of the Four Horsemen of the Infocalypse. Political liberty for innocent people requires tolerating a certain amount of undesirable mayhem. A country without a little bit of dirty money or naughty people doing things with bombs would not deserve the monicker “liberty.”

So what kind of liberty does Bitcoin enable?

Super-cheap international remittances? Check.

What about plugging the unbanked into the Internet? What about the entrepreneurs who suddenly have access to a global marketplace, access previously denied them by the banks, the government, and the oligarchs (but I repeat myself)? How will they use this newfound liberty?

Well hopefully, to make money. The Third World is full of hardworking people trying to get ahead, but who through no fault of their own are unable to do so. Plug them into the global economy and watch them innovate themselves, their families, and their countries out of poverty.

This, in turn, will have a cascading effect on the political organization in their countries (as indeed Bitcoin proponents hope it will have in wealthy countries). Once the banks and the government no longer have a stranglehold on the majority of the population, and money can be sent anywhere in the world without their being able to prevent it, they will find it difficult to impose tyrannical policies.

Why? At the end of the day, governments exist because the people support them. Oh--and because the people pay taxes. And while the NSA may know--probably does know, in fact--who owns most of the Bitcoins in the world--the same cannot be said of most countries in Africa or South-East Asia. Don’t like your government? Don’t feel like paying tax? Make a silent protest. Don’t tell the government about your Bitcoin. How is anyone going to know?

And if the government decides it wants to print money for whatever reason (yachts *cough* mansions *cough*), it will find a populace increasingly disinterested in their funky paper fiat money, except perhaps as a last resort when the toilet paper runs out.


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Welfare and antistatism: no clash?

. @hjbentham. #LOrdre. @Beliefnet. #welfare. #liberty. #equality.


The L'Ordre blog featured at the Fox-owned Beliefnet website has attempted to refute the idea that antistatism necessarily includes being against welfare. Taking inspiration from the theories of American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein, L'Ordre argues that antistatism is a necessary part of the crisis of the world-system, but that it should not divert people from fighting for global welfare.

In a post titled "Welfare is the sum of all political and economic health", the blog maintains that being committed to the welfare of humanity is essential to modernity. Defining positive antistatism as the rejection of violent and illegitimate "stateness" rather than the forms of welfare that can be attributed not just to churches and states but to all sustainable communities, the L'Ordre blog presents a cogent analysis:
Welfare is not a form of stateness, but an essential pillar of modernity. Without sustaining welfare, we could not claim to still be dedicated to liberty, equality and brotherhood – the three essentially overlapping concepts that complement and reinforce each other and have been held by every public-serving political actor since the French Revolution. How well we succeed, the very metric of humanity’s political health, is that of liberty-equality-fraternity.

Read more: http://www.beliefnet.com/columnists/lordre#ixzz3L7IJRFRk

Read more at http://www.beliefnet.com/columnists/lordre#SEXISIw2DjTLq4SI.99
Much of the post was also dedicated to refuting the imperialist "democratic peace theory" used to justify wars, such as the War in Iraq, based on fabrications that one model of civilization ( usually called "western") is innately superior and should be entitled to to conquer and rule over others:
It is my view that democratic peace theory, the simplistic view that so-called democracies (also “western”) do not go to war (and that so-called democratization is therefore essential to establishing world peace) is just a personal opinion based on cultural prejudices and arbitrary distinctions among forms of state, and doesn’t deserve to be treated as a valid theory of International Relations. It is very difficult to see how the view that “democracy” decreases the probability of war is any different from any other extremist ideological claim made throughout history. 
Read more: http://www.beliefnet.com/columnists/lordre#ixzz3L7HH7oiXRead more at http://www.beliefnet.com/columnists/lordre#SEXISIw2DjTLq4SI.99
The L'Ordre blog has enjoyed popularity at Fox's Beliefnet, and has remained on the "Featured Columnists" section for multiple weeks. Visit it at lordre.net for even more of the blog's informative and unique content.

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5 December 2014

Word of Other Worlds Possible

. #book. #@hjbentham. #politics. #progress. #technology. #change.


Book Recommendation: Harry J. Bentham, Word of Other Worlds Possible


From Amazon:

Penned at the radical newsletter Dissident Voice from March 2013 to May 2014, these are the collected dissident essays of the British activist and political analyst Harry J. Bentham.

Bentham's insightful political analyses have made headlines and shockwaves of opinion across the world from his column at Press TV, but he has been widely published elsewhere. With the growing crisis of the world system, the relevance of his radical anti-statist and anti-capitalist ideas can only grow greater. Another world is possible. As a bold political futurist armed with the fire of modern sociology, Bentham has a compelling and awesome view of how that world will emerge.


To feature your book via all four of our newsletters, or to find more information about our promotional services, view our moderately priced options available at Maquis Books.

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25 November 2014

Free-Market Socialism

. @SheldonRichman. #stateless. #antistatism. #libertarianism. #freedom.


Libertarians are individualists. But since individualist has many senses, that statement isn’t terribly informative.

Does it mean that libertarians are social nonconformists on principle? Not at all. Some few libertarians may aspire to be, but most would see that as undesirable because it would obstruct their most important objectives. Lots of libertarian men have no problem wearing a jacket and tie, or shoes, socks, and a shirt, on occasions when that attire is generally expected.

Virtually all libertarians observe the common customs of their societies, just as they conform to language conventions if for no other reason than they wish to be understood. I don’t know a libertarian who would regard this as tyranny. In fact, as one’s appreciation of the libertarian philosophy deepens, so does one’s understanding of the crucial behavior-shaping role played by the evolution of customs and rules—the true law—that have nothing whatever to do with the state. Indeed, these help form our very idea of society.

Libertarians are individualists in other respects, however. They are methodological individualists, which means that when they think about social and economic processes, they begin with the fact that only individuals act. That’s shorthand for: only individuals have preferences, values, intentions, purposes, aspirations, expectations, and a raft of other related things. In truth these words don’t actually refer to things we have, but rather to things we do. Strictly speaking, we don’t have preferences; we prefer. We don’t have values; we value. We don’t have purposes; we act purposively. And so on. I’m reminded here of Thomas Szasz’s statement that mind isn’t essentially a noun but a verb. (It follows that one cannot lose it.) A favorite book of mine on this and related matters is Gilbert Ryle’s The Concept of Mind.

From here, it’s a short step to the principle that the unit of morality is the individual person. Morality concerns what individuals should and should not do, and what sort of life is proper for human beings. Interpersonal morality addresses, among other things, when the use of force is permissible (if ever), and this leads into the ideas of rights, entitlements, and enforceable obligations, also attributes of individuals.

None of this disparages the importance of groups, ranging in size from two persons to great societies. But it does implicitly remind us that the dynamics of groups cannot be understood without first understanding their components. It is certainly reasonable to talk about a college class doing things. But misunderstanding will plague anyone who fails to realize that class here simply indicates a group of individuals in a certain relationship with one another, with a professor, with a particular institution, and with society at large. When we say, “The class left the room,” we don’t mean that some blob flowed through the door, but rather that the individuals who count as members of the class left the room.

That’s an easy case which no one is apt to misunderstand. But other statements shroud, perhaps intentionally, basic methodological and moral individualism. When the news media attribute preferences and actions to “the United States” or “the U.S. government,” clarity would be served by keeping in mind that specific individuals with interests, preferences, and the rest—individuals whose legitimate claim to act on our behalf may be dubious—perform the actions. Collective nouns are unproblematic as long as we remember what we are talking about.

Nothing about libertarianism commits its adherents to what critics call “atomistic individualism.” That would be a curious descriptor for people who love the ideas of trade and the division of labor, even among perfect strangers at great distances. That’s why I long ago proposed an alternative: molecular individualism. Libertarians agree with the ancient Greek philosophers who emphasized the fundamental social nature of human beings. Baked into this concept is the idea that persons inescapably are reason- and language-using beings. An atomistic individual would be less than fully human because fundamental potentialities would be left unactualized, owing to the absence of contact with other reason- and language-using beings. Our ability to think beyond the most primitive level depends on language, which is by nature social.

The progressives’ caricature of the libertarian as a rugged, self-sufficient, antisocial off-the-grid inhabitant of a mountain shack—a Ted Kaczynski sans the letter bombs—is ludicrous.

Libertarians, to the extent that they grasp the fundamentals of their philosophy, care about social dynamics, which accounts for their fascination with economics, especially the Austrian school.

I don’t mean to downplay anything I’ve just said when I point out that, in an important sense, the social whole is greater than the sum of its parts. Economies are not machines; they are people exchanging things. We are the economy the statists wish to control. Yet our continuing interaction spontaneously generates—in a bottom-up way—a vast and complex order of interrelated institutions that no individual or group could possibly grasp in any detail, much less design.

The mundane price system is a perfect if unappreciated example. Prices are critical to our well-being because they enable us to plan our day-to-day lives. They do so by providing signals to us not only as consumers but also as producers. Prices guide our decisions about what to produce for exchange, how much to produce, and by what means. The resulting profits and losses reveal successes and failures at serving consumers. Without prices we’d fly blind, as Ludwig von Mises famously showed in his demolition of central economic planning. This is the upshot of the famous socialist-calculation debate.

Mises had other interesting things to say about the market process that go toward debunking the progressives’ critique of libertarianism as hyperindividualist. For example, we meaningfully if metaphorically speak of the freed market’s channeling resources from those who serve consumers poorly to those with the potential to do a better job at it. This is no reification of the economy, which in itself has no purposes—only people have purposes. An analysis of this channeling would refer to consumers’ decisions to buy or abstain from buying goods offered on the market.

But no individual decided to put, say, the bookseller Borders, out of business. In an important sense, we did it collectively, but not at a mass meeting with people giving speeches and voting on whether the principals of Borders should keep control of the company’s assets. Rather, the demise of Borders and the transfer of its assets to others were the outcome of many individual decisions, most of which were not consciously coordinated. It’s just that enough people had preferences inconsistent with the company’s business plan. So the people who ran Borders were out, however much they objected.

Think about it: When the marketplace is really free and competitive (rather than constricted by the state to protect privileged interests), it is we collectively who decide who controls the means of production. We don’t do this in the legal sense, for example, by literally expropriating the assets of some people and transferring them to others. Yet that’s the effect of free competition and individual liberty.

In other words, the freed market would give traditional leftists what they say they want: a society in which free, voluntary, and peaceful cooperation ultimately controls the means of production for the good of all people.

What well-wisher of humanity could ask for anything more?

By Sheldon Richman - More articles by Sheldon Richman

Originally published at the Center for a Stateless Society on 14 November 2014 and the Future of Freedom Foundation on 14 November 2014

Image via anarchistart.com.

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