Showing posts with label Privacy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Privacy. Show all posts

1 July 2016

Ecuador threatened for Assange asylum

The Blog


While the US seems intent on regime change to overthrow its critics in Latin America, the small country of Ecuador has been separately threatened for sheltering political prisoner Julian Assange.


The country's Foreign Minister has accused US ally the UK of threatening Ecuador repeatedly over its refusal to allow the arrest of the persecuted WikiLeaks founder.

According to the Foreign Minister as quoted in a teleSUR report, "It's an interfered (with) and hacked embassy." Western countries are complying with the wishes of the US regime by refusing to cooperate with Ecuador on any issue until Assange is made to leave the Embassy.

Assange knows that due to his exposure of US war crimes and deception by leaking military reports and diplomatic cables, he will face extradition, torture and possibly execution by the US regime if he is arrested by puppet authorities in Europe. The EU arrest warrant against Assange, which is based on irrelevant and trumped-up charges from a Swedish court that were directly recommended by the US regime, may soon become invalid due to the UK future withdrawal from the EU.

The United Nations has ruled Assange to be victim of political persecution and imprisonment, but the Britain and Sweden refuse to comply with the ruling as they continue to obey orders from Washington.


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1 March 2016

Muslims should look at technopolitics

The Blog


In a lengthy Facebook post republished to the Pakistan-based online magazine Voice of East, Moeed Pirzada asks politicians and intellectuals in the Islamic world to look at the "relationship between technology and politics".


This relationship between new technologies and politics gives rise to the term technopolitics, which is known quite widely among transhumanists and futurists in the west.

In his post, Pirzada appeals to Muslims to see the ways technology can be abused to reduce freedom (or conversely, protections built in to ensure freedom is protected on an even greater scale than before):
Western society and intellectuals understood the messages conveyed by the visionaries like Adlous Huxley and George Orwell and they built firewalls against authoritarianism... but there were no Huxleys and Orwells in Muslim world, perhaps there could not have been because of colonialism... that ‘battle of ideas in the world of technology’ and its relationship, its impact on the future of democracy, is not understood. Technologically empowered elites can endlessly market illusions as reality.
While these claims largely ring true, and are similar to the claims of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, Assange has also written of a type of "rebel elite" emerging through the same technologies to challenge the ruling elite in technopolitics. The book in which Assange makes such claims is Cypherpunks (2012).

We may be faced with numerous types of control or oppression enforced by technology, but the history of revolution proves that no solution can be obtained except by different conquests and uses of the very same technology. Hence, today, we have rebels within the global technopolitics space who include hackers, dissident bloggers and encyption experts at the frontline of the battle for online freedom and privacy.


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4 November 2014

Rise of the Mont Order: a Timeline

. @hjbentham. @HarryDanilevics. #MontOrder. #antistatism.


The Mont Order, a collaborative club of writers and groups continuing the tradition of the mysterious religious sect of the same name, is gaining influence and expanding the list of public names associated with its work. Here is a timeline of the Order's expansion so far in 2014, which will be updated as new information emerges.

20 November 2014

The Mont Order has praised and endorsed the transhumanist occultist Dirk Bruere's techno-religious belief system known as The Praxis. Extent of this collaboration has not yet been disclosed.

7 November 2014

The Mont Order is added, alongside ClubOfINFO, to the list of 'Supporting Organizations' of the influential techno-radical Wave Chronicle publication.

28 October 2014

Blogger and human catalyst Harry Danilevics accepts an invitation to join the Mont Order club, placing him alongside the WAVE institute, L'Ordre and Japanese spiritual blogger Mitsuki Matsuo as one of the Order's associates.

5 September 2014

ClubOfINFO reports on the new connection between the Mont Order and the WAVE institute.

4 September 2014

In a blog post, the WAVE institute confirms its collaborative connection with the Mont Order club and its support for the club.

25 August 2014

A statement is released via Dissident Voice announcing the newly negotiated connection between the WAVE institute's Zero State activists and the Mont Order.

12 August 2014

ClubOfINFO reports on the Mont Order conspiracy theory and satire surrounding it.

9 August 2014

L'Ordre blog at Beliefnet makes a post offering resources on the Mont Order and establishing the Mont Order page at Beliefnet.

29 June 2014

First statement responding to misconceptions about the Mont Order and explaining the origins of the Order is published through Dissident Voice.

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14 October 2014

Google's Treason Against the Internet

. @hjbentham. @WhenGoogleMetWL. #WikiLeaks. #anonymous. #google. #NSA.


Google Inc.’s 2013 book The New Digital Age, authored by Google chairman Eric Schmidt and Google Ideas director Jared Cohen, was showered with praise by many, but attacked in a review by Julian Assange for the New York Times, where it is described as a “love song” from Google to the US state. Also addressed in Assange’s subsequent book When Google Met WikiLeaks, Google’s book makes an unconvincing effort to depict the internet as a double-edged sword, both empowering (p. 6) and threatening our lives (p. 7).

The popular internet, Google argues, might help defeat the US’s “authoritarian” opponents, but also threatens to aid “terrorism” (p. 9) (Google’s word for cypherpunks and anti-statists) against the US itself. Thus, Google argues, the internet is potentially disruptive and harmful to US national security priorities – as is the possibility of individuals being personally empowered by technology. Google laments the “anarchy” being caused by the “agents of chaos”: generations of tech-savvy individuals armed with modern personal technologies (p. 46-47, 59, 207-208). Anonymous and other clans of hackers, we are told, “might as well be terrorists” (p. 151-182).

This is fairly consistent with the ideas of former President George W. Bush, who famously warned graduates at West Point that the gravest danger to the United States is “at the crossroads of radicalism and technology.” This point of view, alongside its knuckle-dragging obsession with defeating “rogue states” and “terrorists”, places Google’s apparent value-system unambiguously within the neoconservative ideological camp. The case for “guiding” the path of the internet (p. 11, 36-39), in particular, sounds equally shy and unsustainable as the authoritarian regimes (p. 6) Google claims to oppose.

The prediction, “as global connectivity continues its unprecedented advance, many old institutions and hierarchies will have to adapt or risk becoming obsolete, irrelevant to modern society” (p. 6) is accurate, if inconsistent with the vast amount of Google’s thesis in the rest of the book. The descriptions of the internet as the “largest experiment involving anarchy” and “the world’s largest ungoverned space” (p.3) also fit into this category, as communication technologies “reallocate the concentration of power away from states and transfer it to individuals” (p.6, p. 82-83).

However, apparently unaware of how ironic it would later sound coming from them, Google tries to educate us about the importance of maintaining privacy to keep the public confident in digital platforms as aids for living an efficient life (p. 16). Also ironic, Google decries the fear by governments of their citizens being anonymous (p. 33), even though Google is the most active corporation trying to thwart online anonymity and everyone knows this. Google also describes the transparency caused by data permanence as a “dangerous model”, and tries to be an apologist for authoritarian regulations that “govern who gets to make the decision about what is classified and what it not” (p. 40). Oddly, Google completely fails to realize how arbitrary this is and how paradoxical it is to its own thesis in the book.

More irony for the reader to enjoy is apparent when Google warns us of what will happen in “authoritarian regimes”, and goes on to basically describe what is only being forced on us by the United States (p. 60-63). For example, “the handsets that citizens have with them at all times will double as the surveillance bugs regimes have long wished they could put into people’s homes” (p. 60). According to Google, the United States will never intercept emails without permission, even though Google knew the United States to be doing so at the time of writing (p. 115-116). Also, “people living under these conditions will be left to fend for themselves against the tag team of their government and its corrupt corporate allies” (p. 62). Google must have been talking about themselves, as I can find no other corporation that meets that description and is in that kind of relationship with a repressive regime. Also of note, “rights organizations that document repressive surveillance tactics will call for better citizen protection” (p. 68). Evidently, those organizations don’t include Google, but they do include WikiLeaks, which Google sees as “dangerous”.

What is stated in the book’s pages against WikiLeaks (p. 41-42) is basically Google’s declaration of support for the most outdated and asinine pro-censorship arguments. A “central body” must control and supervise the release of all information to the public, they argue, without realizing this is no different than any speech Gaddafi might have made. Also, for all the book’s talk of authoritarian regimes being sclerotic and clumsy in the age of the internet, Google fails to acknowledge that the US government’s own inflexible and clumsy spying tactics would be to blame if any agents got killed as a result of disclosures and whistleblowing.

Despite my many disagreements with the book, I’m mostly with Google throughout the course of Chapter 1 (p. 13-31). One prediction that matches a lot of highly progressive futurist discourse, including my own, is that digital technology, combined with 3-d printers, will “definitely have an impact on the developing world”, and open source templates eliminate the problematic reliance on vast supply chains and the inequality caused by them (p. 15-16). However, we don’t see much analysis beyond that one token reference to combating poverty. It must also be added that Google quickly contradicts this bright vision, recycling the fallacy that intellectual property must be ruthlessly protected for purposes of innovation (p. 99). Google also offers a bright vision of advancing AI and robotics that the singularitarian reader will enjoy, yet makes only a single passing reference to the singularity in the whole book (p. 201).

In presenting its grand vision for the world, Google makes a weak and clichéd argument that all-too familiar centralized forms of globalization, which only drain resources into already disproportionately wealthy centers of the world, will “help countries discover their competitive advantage”. This is despite the fact that intellectual participation alone by poorer strata of the world will never compensate for not physically possessing resources and advanced technologies like the US and other rich countries. Omitted in Google’s analysis, is the fact that radically redistributing all wealth and means of production would also be necessary to achieve the “leveling of the playing field for talent” they promise, and just connecting poor nations to the internet will never be enough to really achieve that aim (p. 19-20).

In fact, if we’re going to look at this situation with a critical eye, it is likely that solely connecting billions of impoverished people to the internet will only inspire global rage against the injustices maintained by the US and its corporate oligarchs. Starving populations in Africa won’t be able to eat data, but they will certainly be able to find plenty of new means of getting revenge against the people who have more wealth than them. Silicon Valley itself is a reflection of the greatest injustice in the world – a profuse concentration of wealth and technology that the US fails to share adequately and uses to legitimize its unjust economic and political hegemony.

No, the world’s poor people will not use virtual reality to distract themselves from their poverty and starvation, as naively predicted by Google (p. 24), but will use it to become aware of the injustices that must be avenged and corrected. This is just one paradox in the neoliberal hypothesis at the heart of Google’s book, in which ever-expanding middle classes in the developing world are seen not as the increasingly politically active and radicalized masses they are, but as waiting customers. In reality, the digital awakening being pioneered by Google and other tech giants is making more people aware of the United States’ duplicity and exploitation in the world, and capable of challenging it.

Asinine national loyalties are rife throughout Google’s book. After insisting that Assange is harmful, Google proceeds to celebrate Alexei Navalny, a dwarf in the anti-censorship battle compared with Assange, for no reason other than that Navalny criticizes the Russian government rather than the US government (p. 45). Their rationale for this is never explained, and yet further examples of special pleading and hypocrisy are found throughout their book. Completely missing the significance of the Chelsea Manning controversy, the book claims it is unfair that Manning gets sympathy for leaking US information but would not get sympathy if she had been a defector from North Korea or Iran (p. 47).

For those unaware, the Manning leak is important to the US public because it exposed an atrocity committed by the US. The key there is US – as in, the US people should care if the US government is machine-gunning civilians, more than they should care if the North Koreans or Iranians are doing so. Apparently, Google fails to comprehend the importance of any disclosure that doesn’t merely add to and reinforce the propaganda against North Korea and Iran that the US public is already being fed on a daily basis. This continues throughout the book, with Google demonstrating special pleading fallacy after special pleading fallacy, asserting over and over again that other countries can’t justify their state secrets, but the US can (p. 47).

US enemies are treated with contempt in the book, while the United States’ most violent and reprehensible allies are treated with reverence in the book. Even Saudi Arabia, far more repressive than Iran, is merely cited in a “cautionary” story against dissident activity (p. 56-57). Countries attempting to rebuild the internet to prevent it revolving around the United States and US tech giants armed with a global off-switch are treated as paranoid dictatorships by Google, without any justification (p. 83).

At one point, the book even gives an exact summation of Palestinian life under Israeli occupation, “subject to different laws and vulnerable to indeterminate detention, extrajudicial killings, the absence of due process, and all manner of restrictions on their civil and human liberties”, but Israel’s name is curiously not mentioned there. Instead, we get hypothetical situations in which Iran might do these things, without any evidence that it has (p. 101-185). China is later subjected to the same crude propaganda in the book (p. 184-185). A cruder example of obvious hypocrisy and bigotry in the book appears when Google laments the Palestinian “terrorist” group Hamas’s “propaganda tactics” of circulating video of Israeli atrocities in Gaza (p. 189), yet a few pages later Google spews worse propaganda by talking fondly about an atrocity video circulated during the Iranian protests of 2009 (p. 192).

One of the worst fallacies constructed by Google in the book comes in their attempt to depict three different national censorship models, the first supposedly blatant, the second moderate, and the third supposedly liberal. The Chinese model, described as “blatant” censorship, is based on protecting national interests and social order, and is openly acknowledged by the state (p. 86-87). Supposedly on the other end of the spectrum is the German model, described as “politically and culturally accepted filtering”. However, if we examine it properly, it is exactly the same as the Chinese one, again based on protecting national interests and social order (p. 88-89). Upon close examination, we find that Google has merely used buzzwords to try and depict Chinese censorship as somehow socially unacceptable for the reader, while depicting Germany’s identical censorship model as acceptable. Even if I personally take the view that China is a paranoid state with respect to mobile apps and websites, Google’s analysis of its inferiority to Germany is fallacious, convoluted, unscholarly, and lacking in any substance whatsoever.

How does Google justify the supposedly “socially acceptable” state censorship model of Germany? It cites the Malaysian government to say “compliance with the law is not to be construed as censorship” (p. 89). In reality, “compliance with the law” precisely describes censorship in all its forms, and is no more of a liberal model of censorship than exists in China or even North Korea. All that Google has done, with this supposed comparative study of different censorship models, is try to mislead the reader into agreeing with German law and disagreeing with Chinese law, using nothing more than buzzwords against the Chinese system and no sound analysis.

The overall thesis of The New Digital Age consists of special pleading that only the US can justify censorship or state secrets, and that only the United States should be sheltered from the anarchic political influences unleashed by the internet. The rest of the book is fluff to elongate the word count and make Google look like an authority whose political opinions should carry more weight than the average blogger, and almost every claim made in the book turned out to be false within months of publication.



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30 September 2014

The Catalyst Thesis, One Year On

. @HJBentham. @IEET. @HPlusMagazine. #transhumanism. #technology. #anarchy.


It has been over one year since Catalyst, the thesis of technology-powered socioeconomic liberation from Harry J. Bentham, was published on July 28, 2013. Downloaded hundreds of times by readers over this period, it is still waiting for its first customer reviews at Amazon. In an effort to lobby these belated reviews from downloaders, we recommend a quick download at Amazon.

If you've read Catalyst already, write a customer review for Amazon to share your thoughts

From the description at Amazon:
Catalyst is radical Lifeboat Foundation futurist Harry J. Bentham's 2013 political pamphlet, forecasting an unprecedented era of technology-powered socioeconomic liberation. According to Bentham, "the gravest danger to hegemony and oppression lies at the transformational crossroads of liberation and technology."
The thesis takes some of the most progressive ideas from sociology, and combines them with transhumanism to paint a vibrant picture of a world being destroyed and rebuilt in a new, user-friendly form. Such a revolution has greater potential than anything else to disrupt the structures that have held global inequality in place for centuries, thus emancipating, enlightening and arming the billions of people who have been kept oppressed, marginalized and eternally pressured into arduous labor in the world's poorest countries.

Since 2013, the ideas expounded in this book have been at the core of a lot of online publishing projects, including the creation of ClubOfINFO as a content website in 2014. ClubOfINFO is essentially Catalyst's unofficial website, dedicated to bringing this thesis to as many online readers as possible.

If you're a UK customer, write a review for Amazon UK

What is unique about Catalyst is its desire to expand the spectrum of the battle being waged between monopolistic entities like the US government, massive corporations and repressive regimes, and brave people-powered forces like WikiLeaks and Anonymous. This spectrum will come to include the real world, as various new and transhuman technologies like 3-d printers and synthetic biology further transfer power away from corporations and states and into the hands of individuals.


Catalyst makes a bold prediction about the enlargement of the technological rebellion shaking the world today: in the future, insiders will no longer just be leaking information to the public, but smuggling manufacturing and security-related technologies of a controversial nature to the world's most marginal and oppressed peoples. These Promethean deeds will start the true battle, enlarging the spectrum of personal liberation far beyond the internet to places it had never reached before.

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26 September 2014

Re: When Google Met WikiLeaks (2014)

. @hjbentham. @WhenGoogleMetWL. #WikiLeaks. #Google. #JulianAssange.


Julian Assange’s 2014 book When Google Met WikiLeaks consists of essays authored by Assange and, more significantly, the transcript of a discussion between Assange and Google’s Eric Schmidt and Jared Cohen.

As should be of greatest interest to technology enthusiasts, we revisit some of the uplifting ideas from Assange’s philosophy that I picked out from among the otherwise dystopian high-tech future predicted in Cypherpunks (2012). Assange sees the Internet as “transitioning from an apathetic communications medium into a demos – a people” defined by shared culture, values and aspirations (p. 10). This idea, in particular, I can identify with.

Assange’s description of how digital communication is “non-linear” and compromises traditional power relations is excellent. He notes that relations defined by physical resources and technology (unlike information), however, continue to be static (p. 67). I highlight this as important for the following reason. It profoundly strengthens the hypothesis that state power will also eventually recede and collapse in the physical world, with the spread of personal factories and personal enhancement technologies (analogous to personal computers) like 3-d printers and synthetic life-forms, as explained in my own techno-liberation thesis and in the work of theorists like Yannick Rumpala.

When Google Met Wikileaks tells, better than any other text, the story of the clash of philosophies between Google and WikiLeaks – despite Google’s Eric Schmidt assuring Assange that he is “sympathetic to you, obviously”. Specifically, Assange draws our attention to the worryingly close relationship between Google and the militarized US police state in the post-9/11 era. Fittingly, large portions of the book (p. 10-16, 205-220) are devoted to giving Assange’s account of the now exposed world-molesting US regime’s war on WikiLeaks and its cowardly attempts to stifle transparency and accountability.

The publication of When Google Met WikiLeaks is really a reaction to Google chairman Eric Schmidt’s 2013 book The New Digital Age (2013), co-authored with Google Ideas director Jared Cohen. Unfortunately, I have not studied that book, although I intend to pen a fitting enough review for it in due course to follow on from this review. It is safe to say that Assange’s own review in the New York Times in 2013 was quite crushing enough. However, nothing could be more devastating to its pro-US thesis than the revelations of widespread illegal domestic spying exposed by Edward Snowden, which shook the US and the entire world shortly after The New Digital Age’s very release.

Assange’s review of The New Digital Age is reprinted in his book (p. 53-60). In it, he describes how Schmidt and Cohen are in fact little better than State Department cronies (p. 22-25, 32, 37-42), who first met in Iraq and were “excited that consumer technology was transforming a society flattened by United States military occupation”. In turn, Assange’s review flattens both of these apologists and their feeble pretense to be liberating the world, tearing their book apart as a “love song” to a regime, which deliberately ignores the regime’s own disgraceful record of human rights abuses and tries to conflate US aggression with free market forces (p. 201-203).

Cohen and Schmidt, Assange tells us, are hypocrites, feigning concerns about authoritarian abuses that they secretly knew to be happening in their own country with Google’s full knowledge and collaboration, yet did nothing about (p. 58, 203). Assange describes the book, authored by Google’s best, as a shoddily researched, sycophantic dance of affection for US foreign policy, mocking the parade of praise it received from some of the greatest villains and war criminals still at large today, from Madeleine Albright to Tony Blair. The authors, Assange claims, are hardly sympathetic to the democratic internet, as they “insinuate that politically motivated direct action on the internet lies on the terrorist spectrum” (p. 200).

As with Cypherpunks, most of Assange’s book consists of a transcript based on a recording that can be found at WikiLeaks, and in drafting this review I listened to the recording rather than reading the transcript in the book. The conversation moves in what I thought to be three stages, the first addressing how WikiLeaks operates and the kind of politically beneficial journalism promoted by WikiLeaks. The second stage of the conversation addresses the good that WikiLeaks believes it has achieved politically, with Assange claiming credit for a series of events that led to the Arab Spring and key government resignations.

When we get to the third stage of the conversation, something of a clash becomes evident between the Google chairman and WikiLeaks editor-in-chief, as Schmidt and Cohen begin to posit hypothetical scenarios in which WikiLeaks could potentially cause harm. The disagreement evident in this part of the discussion is apparently shown in Schmidt and Cohen’s book: they alleged that “Assange, specifically” (or any other editor) lacks sufficient moral authority to decide what to publish. Instead, we find special pleading from Schmidt and Cohen for the state: while regime control over information in other countries is bad, US regime control over information is good (p. 196).

According to the special pleading of Google’s top executives, only one regime – the US government and its secret military courts – has sufficient moral authority to make decisions about whether a disclosure is harmful or not. Assange points out that Google’s brightest seem eager to avoid explaining why this one regime should have such privilege, and others should not. He writes that Schmidt and Cohen “will tell you that open-mindedness is a virtue, but all perspectives that challenge the exceptionalist drive at the heart of American foreign policy will remain invisible to them” (p. 35).

Assange makes a compelling argument that Google is not immune to the coercive power of the state in which it operates. We need to stop mindlessly chanting “Google is different. Google is visionary. Google is the future. Google is more than just a company. Google gives back to the community. Google is a force for good” (p. 36). It’s time to tell it how it is, and Assange knows just how to say it.

Google is becoming a force for bad, and is little different from any other massive corporation led by ageing cronies of the narrow-minded state that has perpetrated the worst outrages against the open and democratic internet. Google “Ideas” are myopic, close-minded, and nationalist (p. 26), and the corporate-state cronies who think them up have no intention to reduce the number of murdered journalists, torture chambers and rape rooms in the world or criticize the regime under which they live. Google’s politics are about keeping things exactly as they are, and there is nothing progressive about that vision.

To conclude with what was perhaps the strongest point in the book, Assange quotes NYT columnist Tom Friedman. We are warned by Friedman as early as 1999 that Silicon Valley is led less now by the mercurial “hidden hand” of the market than the “hidden fist” of the US state. Assange argues, further, that the close relations between Silicon Valley and the regime in Washington indicate Silicon Valley is now like a “velvet glove” on the “hidden fist” of the regime (p. 43). Similarly, Assange warns those of us of a libertarian persuasion that the danger posed by the state has two horns – one government, the other corporate – and that limiting our attacks to one of them means getting gored on the other. Despite its positive public image, Google’s (and possibly also Facebook’s) ties with the US state for the purpose of monitoring the US pubic deserve a strong public backlash.



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22 August 2014

US hegemony ends: Newer World Order (2)

. @HJBentham. #hegemony. #geopolitics.


<< Continued from Part 1

Lesson 4: You cannot govern through fear


The trend towards vilifying external adversaries as a means of consolidating political power and credibility is very dangerous, and only signifies failure. It is a common trend throughout history that wars and adversarial relations are declared during times of domestic crisis, but they are only effective to the extent that some form of cultural homogeneity exists in a state. As a result of the transnationalism of the English language, being spoken so widely throughout the world, it is increasingly harder for educated Westerners to live in ignorance of the rest of the world and all the information out there.

If the US regime thinks that it is going to regain its status as the world’s only superpower by vilifying other countries like Russia, China or even foreign terrorists like al-Qaeda, it is wrong. Educated people are just not that gullible anymore, and nothing makes this clearer than the tremendous popular uproar over America’s global unilateral spying on our lives. Americans have nothing to fear from Vladimir Putin. They need to be afraid of the National Security Agency (NSA), and the incomprehensibly ugly regime in Washington that has directed it to constantly violate our civil rights. We are afraid of the corporate stranglehold on our government and press.

Tactic 1 for dismantling the “nation”: disbelief


We live in an info-centric world. Media and information are where everything starts. Therefore, the attack on the idols of the false nation begins in the form of media. Anti-statists must each seek powerful platforms to mount their assault on the nation. Whether it is through social media or major news outlets, we need people to challenge the myth of the nation, debunk claims by jingoistic commentators, and shoot down this crazy idea that the US could be entitled to anything that other states are not entitled to.

Media sources that believe in the existence of a nation, and assert that a nation might be on the right side of history, should be debunked. Nations cannot be on the right side of history, because nations do not exist and and cannot stand for anything modern, transparent or democratic at a time when the people are awakening to develop their own means of democracy with the fruits of technology. 

Tactic 2 for dismantling the “nation”: desecration


How do you destroy a nation in the physical sense, without harming anyone? You attack its idols and insult its name. American flags should be taken down and crushed in public protest, just to provoke a response. Historic documents, statues and monuments to the nation should be physically destroyed. If they cannot be destroyed, they should sprayed, damaged and defaced. Every icon and every sacrosanct image of the regime that can be found should be desecrated and burned. Every conceivable insult and injury to this “nation”, every conceivable blow against its deadly pride and idolization, should be promoted. Let us pray that every refugee of every American war will flock to this regime, if only to ransack and destroy its idols.

What resolution would the “patriots” find for such insults, if indeed they take their myths and idols to be real? Will they lay the blame on their own government, and so destabilize it and delegitimize it in their rage? That outcome would be progressive, for it would result in mass hostility to the regime. Will they see the folly of their patriotism, and so choose to aid in the dismantlement of the fake “nation”, so they might embrace humanity instead? That too is progressive, because their movements will bring down the regime and the myths upon which it stands. Will the regime lash out, imprisoning, torturing and murdering the opponents who have insulted its fabricated authority? Then they have made their own pyre by closing their doors to the rest of humanity, and the mission against the world's most deplorable nation is accomplished.

Each of the aforementioned torments is not wasted, but necessary to bring out the worst of the “patriots”, and force the world to judge them appropriately. Consider how humanity would surely benefit from such desecration of their idols. It would be immensely beneficial for progress.

Tactic 3 for dismantling the “nation”: disintegration


Centrifugal anti-statist political movements are proliferating at a rate that has alarmed many states. These are politically liberating, by definition. Even taking place under ostensibly “micro-nationalist” narratives themselves, they are not inimical to the dismantlement of the larger lie of the nation that has been addressed here. The lie that must be discredited and smashed is the view that government authority figures and oppressive regimes can proclaim the existence of nations, rather than nations serving as transitory "avatars" for liberation causes (as in the case of the ANC or the PLO).

Members of extant communities and regions expressing their solidarity and rejecting the central regime of the nation-state should be exempt from the shame of the patriots who have loyalty to government authority figures. These extant communities within the so-called nations are not false, as they are voluntary associations based on real social relations. For this reason, they cannot be deconstructed in the way that nation-states which apply force to forge themselves into existence from larger bodies of humanity can be deconstructed.

Examples of an extant marginalized community within a larger nation-state entity are Catalonia in Spain, and Scotland in the United Kingdom. There are compelling reasons for them to govern themselves, at least temporarily, if they so wish, and this should be legitimized through referenda and other expressions of the liberation struggle. In the United States, similar centrifugal movements for the dismantlement of the “nation” take the form of campaigns for state secession and groups seeking self-determination for Native Americans and African Americans who refuse to identify with the regime.

While the tactic of national disintegration is less progressive than the other two tactics, and has the unfortunate potential to stabilize new national myths rather than lead to a true voluntary society, in many states it represents an opportunity. Separatism should not be idealized, but should be a target of opportunity for anti-statists or other anti-systemic people, and they should not shy away from it on grounds that they feel a lack of belief in whatever micro-national myth is being promoted.

By Harry J. Bentham - More articles by Harry J. Bentham


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19 August 2014

US hegemony ends: Newer World Order (1)

. @HJBentham. #hegemony. #geopolitics.


Attempts to establish a unipolar world order after the end of the Cold War have proven futile. As the US is controverted by powers it had dismissed, such as Russia, China, and even Germany, the mad dream of an American-led world dies.

The ability to “keep the Germans down” (true friendship?) had been a significant badge of honor for the postwar US regime after it rose to superpower status in 1945. In 2014, the badge finally fell off, as top historiographer Immanuel Wallerstein notes, in the unprecedented breach triggered by US stupidity and ignorance towards European “allies” over the implications of US unilateral spying and other excesses of US hegemony.

Desperate to look strong, the US appears to be anemically drawing on Cold War imagery and fears to reassure itself. This is a pathetic gesture, hiding the regime’s humiliating decline behind the fevered idea of a “new” Cold War, pointing nostalgically towards the Russian specter when the real issue is its own internal crisis and the severe degradation of ties with its own allies. One could say more accurately that the old Cold War is back, because the US has lost its crown.

It is tempting for many jingoists to present America’s senescence as a temporary injury, but it is not. America is dying as a superpower, dragged to its grave by the momentum of history, and it will never heal. The unique circumstances that brought the US to leadership over the world are gone, and a steady demise is all that awaits the US.

As the view that an “exceptional” nation-state is going to “lead” our civilization to the stars loses credibility, we must think about alternatives to such an order. From what is happening to this regime, we can infer key lessons to determine how we might go about shaping the alternative order in succession to what we have already seen in history.

All nation-states will ultimately be retired to the dustbin of history. America, being the most powerful of such entities and an eminent global influence, deserves to be undone before all others.

Lesson 1: Nations don’t exist, including the American nation


Illusions of a new Cold War arising from the 2014 crisis in Ukraine and other inconsequential contests with Russia, China etc. are not tests for US global leadership, but clear signs that the megalomaniacal concept of global leadership under one state’s aegis is over. The United States is beginning to realize it is a single country, no more entitled to govern or monitor the world than Lichtenstein.

Why should any country have more rights than another? Why should US nationalist ambitions be allowed to hijack the machinery of European allied states, who have moved beyond nationalism? There is a fundamental ideological disconnect between a state that views itself as a special “nation”, and more sophisticated states that devalue the concept of the nation, instead seeing their future in the European/Eurasian integration projects and other facets of transnationalism.

The ultimate failure of the lunatics in Washington to bring their regime to a position from which it can rule the world is helping the American people to realize, like other aggressor nations, that they are not special. Let us hope that this compels US leaders to withdraw their obscene claims of “exceptionalism”, i.e. superiority over other states.

Without the runaway powers of the US regime interfering in our lives under the doctrine of exceptionalism, the world will be a safer place. In Europe, the view is that we survive despite America, rather than because of it, so this regime’s demise and military withdrawal from the world stage will be universally recognized here as a blessing when it happens.

In sum, let us call for the Americans to question their country’s doctrine of exceptionalism, and the existence of any kind of “American nation”. Perhaps without this delusion – this inane flag-waving contest – US people will wake up and become as enlightened as the average European today. From there, the US can realize how far behind it is on the cultural ladder, and can start to catch up with remainder of the West as we remove the final vestiges of warlike nationalism and vanity.

Lesson 2: The American culture of aggression threatens the world


The United States is responsible reprehensible and inhumane crimes, and has surpassed all of the European states as the world’s primary source of aggression, with the 2003 Iraq War being the deadliest aggression of the new millennium. American aggression must end, for the United States to move forward.

American aggression is rooted not simply in the militant doctrine of US exceptionalism at the heart of the US establishment, but in a broader culture of “patriotism”, moronic flag-waving and slogans, and blind belief in the lies of fascist authority figures. Such a culture is alien to Europeans today, just as the idea of taking up arms and dying for one’s “nation” in the Nineteenth Century sense is regarded as extremism in Europe now. For the US to remain part of the global story, it must dispose of its archaic ideology by digesting the lessons of its own aggression in Iraq, if it is not capable of learning the lessons of aggression from other countries.

The origin of all conflict, the cancer that murders in the name of peace and security, is the nation. This fraudulent entity, used to delineate differences among mankind, has been the excuse for every mass atrocity known to man. Some blame religion for war, but no lie is as divisive and destructive as the lie that one can be part of a nation or that once can be patriotic.

Lesson 3: Americans must accept their regime’s inferiority


America believes it is superior to other countries. As of 2014, scandals have shown the US is not only morally inferior to its European allies, but is a disgrace to the entire international community.

The turn of events that has set in motion the downfall of the US regime started with the regime’s decision to augment its role in the world with its disproportionate technological strength, especially trampling on its “allies” in this regard. Led on by the narcissistic view that it is a paragon of democracy and freedom, the hypocritical regime applied the totalitarian doctrine of “total information awareness”. As the regime uses the resulting infrastructure of privacy-violation to nullify civil rights on a daily basis by spying on the personal communications of any individual it chooses in the entire world, a strategy has resulted that can only be called thuggish. The regime abuses its technological power not to save lives but to spy, victimizing its own allies and every innocent soul on the planet, including you.

Further hypocrisy exposing how the “democratic” US regime defies its moral and legal obligations are found in the regime’s record of torture, unprecedented prison populations, and political repression. This record portrays an unscrupulous entity that cannot be entrusted as any kind of authority over such international domains as democracy or human rights.

Now alienating its own Western allies by demonstrating the whole new lengths of pervasive greed and cruelty that it can be capable of, the American regime has lost the legitimacy to represent anything valued or regarded as democratic by the world. With such a loss of legitimacy, the regime is no longer able to take up its conceited role as a credible rallying point for the international community. Instead, the name of the United States shall be placed in the category of abominations including Nazi Germany, Apartheid South Africa and its own most loathed ally, the State of Israel.

The sheer hilarity that such a cockeyed and murderous regime might try to preach anything to Europeans or its other “allies” is now apparent for all to see. Why should anyone take lessons on global governance from a hypocrite? One might have a better fate voyaging aboard the Titanic than taking a seat with the lunatic regime, at the present juncture.

By Harry J. Bentham - More articles by Harry J. Bentham


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29 July 2014

'Internet will destroy journalism'

.@ToHoldAQuill. @Wikileaks. @Contributoria. @ClubOfINFO. #4thEstate. #StopTheNSA.

This article is being printed here because it delivers a powerful point in the debate on whether today's radically advanced technology results in a form of unassailable tyranny when coupled with the state.


"Journalism is publishing something someone does not want published."

George Orwell

Without journalism, democracy could not exist. The Fourth Estate's ability to check abuses by those in power is the last line of defense between us and tyranny. But this ability is under threat, and may soon -- barring some innovative breakthrough in secure computing -- disappear entirely.

The printing press created journalism. We take the press for granted today, but 500 years ago, Gutenberg's invention was as novel as the Internet, and equally disruptive. For the first time, mass communication across great distances was possible. Revolutionaries like Martin Luther seized on this new power to report on -- yes, report on -- the extreme abuse of power by the imperial power of his day, the Catholic Church.

It is no coincidence that America's Founding Fathers -- themselves revolutionaries against an imperial power -- enshrined this technology in the First Amendment to their Constitution. Without the printing press (and the rifle; but that's another article) the American Revolution could never have happened.

Without the printing press, we would still be living in the Dark Ages.

Like all disruptive new technologies, the printing press redistributed power. By automating the work previously done by scribes, the press drastically lowered the cost of copying -- and thus spreading -- information. A small number of people with modest wealth (needed for the purchase and maintenance of a printing press) could trumpet a new idea far and wide. The press took the power concentrated in the hands of the few (clergy, nobility) and gave it to the people.

That power gave the people a voice -- and what's more, a voice resilient to censorship. A printing press is a physical, decentralized machine that can easily be hidden in a basement or a barn. If a tyrant wishes to prevent the spread of an idea, he must send soldiers to confiscate or destroy the printing presses. And then what about all the printed copies? He must also find a way to destroy all those books as well. This might involve, as it did under Hitler in 1930s Germany, whipping the public into a frenzy so that they throw their books onto bonfires in the street. But even then, a few printing presses will survive, and many readers will still keep their books.

It is not impossible to censor the press in a dictatorship. It can and has been done -- but at great expense and with much difficulty.

George Orwell once noted [1] (H/T to Jay Stanley at the ACLU [2]) that:
“ages in which the dominant weapon is expensive or difficult to make will tend to be ages of despotism, whereas when the dominant weapon is cheap and simple, the common people have a chance. Thus, for example, tanks, battleships and bombing planes are inherently tyrannical weapons, while rifles, muskets, long-bows and hand-grenades are inherently democratic weapons.”
 (One need only consider the Tiananmen Square massacre: What would have happened in the absence of tanks?)

Technology determines political and social organization. It has been frequently observed, for instance, that the invention of the stirrup made medieval feudalism posible. By giving cavalry the ability to stand up in the saddle, this startling, disruptive new technology created an entirely new class of warrior who required a great deal of expense to maintain. The reorganization of European society into a feudal system occurred, in part, because of the invention of the stirrup.

The printing press, we may conclude, is a democratic technology. But the printing press is now obsolete, replaced by the Internet.

At first glance, the Internet would appear to be the ultimate democractic technology -- even more so than the printing press. Indeed, when the Internet was first invented, journalists and activists hailed it as the greatest tool for freedom and democracy in the history of mankind. It has lowered the cost of copying and transmitting ideas to practically zero. One voice can trumpet a new idea far and wide. Marginalized voices dispersed around the world can come together in common cause. How can this possibly be a bad thing?

Because the cost of seeking out and destroying ideas has also sunk to practically zero.

Let's go back to our Orwell test. Is the Internet cheap and simple? Or complex and expensive?

Cheap and simple to use, yes. To publish. To copy. But from the Internet rises two columns of power out of reach of everyday man: The power of Big Data, and the power of the zero-day exploit.

The ACLU's Jay Stanley delves deep [3] into the Big Data issue, so I won't dwell on this point too much. Suffice it to say, Big Data -- and mass surveillance in general -- is not about protecting the people from outside threats (“terrorists,” “Communists,” “hackers”), but about protecting the state from the people. It's about identifying and suppressing dissent. It's about social control.

But even if, by some political method, we were able to destroy the data silos and end mass surveillance (an unlikely prospect), there remains no solution to the zero-day problem.

People who have never written code or dug into how the Internet works are often baffled by this. My computer got hacked because of buggy code. So fix your code! Programmers and computer scientists know better.

Forty years of computing have proven that imperfect humans create imperfect computers. Code without bugs does not exist. Programmers make mistakes. And those mistakes -- in the form of zero-day exploits -- scale at a global level. A nice little zero-day in Windows or Android gives you control over most of the world's computer users. Security experts today counsel "assume breach." You must assume your computer network or system has been breached by an attacker who means you harm: An enemy who wants to spy on you, sabotage your data, or even destroy your data completely.

Security is the Internet's Achilles heel.

One need only understand how email works -- unencrypted text copied dozens of times from point A to point B -- to see the potential for abuse. People like Richard Stallman have been complaining about NSA spying since the 1970s. Edward Snowden's revelations have finally brought to the public consciousness what programmers and sysadmins have known since the Carter administration.

If the Internet, and computers in general, were secure, unhackable, encrypted in a manner impossible to crack -- a perfect world, that is -- then the Internet would be that utopia of freedom and democracy.

But this is not the case, nor will it ever be the case.

Worse, the market for zero-days is brisk, as governments and corporations scramble to bid ever higher the cost of the latest expoit. This power remains out of reach of the common man, and centralizes power in the hands of those who mean us harm. And that power will be used to silence dissent, shut down leaks, harass journalists, and even prevent/disrupt the publication of unwanted information.

It has been a commonplace observation, in the wake of the Snowden revelations, that when journalists can no longer securely communicate with their sources, journalism suffers. So far as it goes, they are right. But the truth is far worse.

What the Internet gives us in ease of copying and sharing information takes away from us in the impermanence of that information. Information on the Internet can too easily be found, monitored, and destroyed. The ability to censor -- and, indeed, to rewrite history -- has never been more real and immediate.

Journalism isn't over just because we can no longer communicate with sources in a secure manner. Journalism is over because spies can -- in real-time and retroactively -- destroy our work and literally re-write history. The impermanence of information on the Internet makes this trivial -- and as writing and consumption of writing moves increasingly into the digital realm, the ability to expunge an idea becomes more and more complete.

Some will argue, at this point, that journalism is not dead. Look at the great work Glenn Greenwald is doing...with great difficulty and at high cost. The Internet may have lowered the cost of publication but has dramatically increased the cost of doing quality, Fourth Estate, national security journalism.

The Internet, like the printing press before it, has redistributed power. In this case, from the people to the security apparatus, who have the power to spy on and disrupt our communications. As a result, we now live in totalitarian dictatorships run by spies, with a thin veneer of vestigial democracy to keep society ticking along, worker bees humming to the hive every day. The only check on the power of the spies is the need to operate on the principle of plausible deniability -- they cannot act openly against their enemies.

Yet.

The time is coming when this pretense will no longer be required. A manufactured crisis, a false flag attack -- most likely a cyber-attack that damages the financial system; the people will rise up in alarm and demand to be “protected” from this threat -- and the spies will be able to impose martial law on the Internet. The Great Star-Spangled Firewall of America will protect us from both Chinese hackers and uncomfortable truths.

Remember, on the Internet, journalism is no different from spam or child pornography or cyberwar. It's all zeroes and ones. It's all data. And it can be filtered, blocked, and destroyed with ease.

Once this happens, once martial law on the Internet is complete, once no email, no blog post, no tweet traverses the Internet without the permission of the government, then the power of the security apparatus will be total, and they will be free to kidnap, interrogate, torture, imprison and murder at will. To think that such awesome power will not be misused -- that any human being can be trusted with such power -- is naive.

You could argue, this hasn't happened yet, why should we expect it to happen? What about our democratic principles? What about our long tradition of democracy?

In times of great technological disruption, predicting the future is hard. However, certain timeless rules of human nature remain constant.

Power corrupts. Always, eventually, power corrupts.

One need only ask, how can this power be misused? And then you will know the future. Could be next year, could be ten years from now, could be fifty. But possibility is necessity. In the absence of a real check on power, you should always assume that power will be misused.

Remember the stirrup. Technology redistributes power and alters the social and political fabric. And the Internet is a technology that has tyranny baked in from day one.

The unthinkable can and will happen, and in our lifetimes. Power always corrupts eventually, and the power the Internet affords is so awesome, so unbelievable, that it is naive in the extreme to think that it will not be used for evil.

The Internet is hurtling us into a new Dark Age, such as mankind has never before seen, and far worse than the one the printing press helped us escape. History, as Oswald Spengler reminds us, is a form of tragedy, and we, the last free generation, can do little more than gaze in horror as our fate approaches, powerless to stop it.

Footnotes


[1] http://georgeorwellnovels.com/essays/you-and-the-atom-bomb/
[2] https://www.aclu.org/blog/technology-and-liberty/big-data-george-orwell-and-tanks
[3] https://www.aclu.org/blog/technology-and-liberty/big-data-george-orwell-and-tanks

By J. M. Porup - More articles by J. M. Porup

Originally published at Contributoria on 1 February 2014

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27 June 2014

What if there was an armed uprising in the US?

.@HJBentham .#USA.#WhatIf.#Futurism .#Dystopia.#Freedom.

This article follows by expanding on a response to an Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies (IEET) article by Franco Cortese. There has been a highly positive reaction to this article at Blacklisted News, with people lending their thoughts on this incredible and fascinating question. What if the US faced a modern civil war, the end result of repression and an increasingly totalitarian apparatus being forced on the population?

In response to a well-received Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies (IEET) article by Franco Cortese, I recently authored an analysis at ClubOfINFO on the Second Amendment’s possibilities against tyranny in the United States. Due to deepening totalitarian tendencies in the US government, such as mass surveillance and extrajudicial killings, I believe this discussion is very relevant and deserves greater attention.

Franco’s article made the case that the right to bear arms no longer offers hope against the technological might of any future tyranny that may emerge in the United States. Is resistance futile, because the US government will always outgun the people and possess the deadlier weapons? Is the future really so bleak for Americans? Are regimes destined to become impervious to opposition, and the people destined to be disarmed and disenfranchised everywhere as the state reaches unprecedented levels of power? Brzezinksi believed as much, when he stated, “today, it is infinitely easier to kill a million people than to control a million people.”

I disputed Franco’s assessment that modern states are too strong to overthrow by popular armed resistance. The United States of America is a unique country solely in that it was the first to be founded on popular armed resistance by a nation. And, up until the government’s gravitation towards the control and confiscation of firearms, the US regime continued to acknowledge popular armed resistance as a means of establishing sovereignty.

In the modern world, popular armed resistance is not less effective than it was in the past, but has in fact become the most overwhelmingly effective form of warfare because conventional wars between states are becoming increasingly obsolete. States worry so much about the threat of “terrorism” and ubiquitous popular technologies and instruments of activism (such as personal computers), because they acknowledge the reality that armed resistance by their own subjects is the greatest threat to their authority.

Since the development of atomic weapons, the specter of armed resistance by US citizenry against their own regime has been a far bigger and more enduring challenge than any foreign power or terrorist group that could conceivably threaten the United States homeland. The regime knows this, hence its obsession with wiretapping its own population, suppressing their ability to disclose the truth about the crimes of the regime, and ultimately confiscating their means of self-defense.

Analysts of many different schools of International Relations theory agree that internal conflict is becoming more widespread and more threatening than conventional war between states. Part of the reason for this is that, as already mentioned, states now have the capability to annihilate one another completely with nuclear bombs. This has been part of the international order since 1945. Direct encroachment on one another’s territory with armies is now considered too risky by most states even if they have fairly powerful armies (like the United States), and so the only alternative is to encourage internal violence inside the state being targeted (as the US and its allies encourage in Syria).

It was probably the collapse of the East Bloc and the Soviet Union in 1989-1990 that established internecine struggle and “spontaneous” revolution as the most viable models for imposing a new order in another country, instead of military occupation. Since that time, the number of countries facing a serious internal crisis of statehood has risen dramatically, to such an extent that the future of the nation-state model all over the world can now be called into question.

The nature of war has fundamentally changed, so that it is no longer mainly the business of states. Instead, war is now mainly the business of armed individuals and militias all over the world. War is still the continuation of politics by other means, as defined by Carl von Clausewitz, but when and how it breaks out is no longer decided or declared by government figures as it once was. Now, it can break out anywhere and without authorization from anyone, as long as passions are flying high, state legitimacy has been mocked, and police-order is deteriorating. This is possible, because World War 2 and the creation of nukes made states less confident in declaring conventional wars as a means of pursuing their interests.

Primary examples of “wars” in the world now, if they can be called that, take place between regimes and the people they have failed to adequately govern or assimilate into the “nation”. These wars are taking place in Syria, Libya, Iraq, Mali, Nigeria, Ukraine and many other countries as I write. Such violence happens because old-fashioned states are forged by bloodshed, so they have to create new bloodshed to burn their authority back into hearts and minds whenever their legitimacy is called into question. Like religious traditions, nation-states have always been created and maintained by bloody purges of nonbelievers and cultural aliens in order to establish the necessary homogeneity to make people believe in the nation.

Today, any significant national birth or rebirth remains difficult to execute by any regime without involving deaths, because these deaths (of the nation’s enemies, but more importantly "martyrdom" of the nation’s citizens themselves) are a bitter part of the narrative needed to legitimize a nation-state. In the case of national rebirth by revolution against an old regime, neighboring powers find it impractical to get involved by sending their national armies, as happened in the French and Russian revolutions. This gives them reason to invest more in terrorism, whether it is by their own proxies or those of other states, whenever they want to influence the political transition inside another state. Such a focus on terrorism rather than occupation by world powers has made terrorism the most popular and viable means of regime change by governments and rebels everywhere. Terrorism is now used by everyone, and seems destined to entirely replace war as we know it.

One of the main characteristics of internal warfare and civil unrest is that the state avoids calling such a situation a “war”. More importantly, the state cannot use too heavy weapons against the population because it would damage its own infrastructure and legitimacy. The destruction caused by this would only strengthen the claims of insurgents seeking the ouster of the regime. This makes it likely that powerful states would fight their revolting populations with small arms equal to the weapons of the hypothetical insurgents. By giving up their right to possess firearms and form armed militias, Americans would lose their option to defy the regime and execute a popular revolution similar to the one that brought their country into existence.

The key to a successful armed revolution is not superior military technology or training, but overwhelming popular support and commitment by the insurgents to fulfill the will of the people. Illegitimate terrorism fails not because it is an asymmetrical form of warfare and is weak in the face of advanced technology, but due to its inability to connect with the grievances of the common people. In those cases where the people are represented effectively by the militias they have pledged to support, the militias are not terrorists but freedom fighters for a bright future.

If the United States government chooses to continue to defy the people and force a totalitarian apparatus on them, as exposed by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden, it will not maintain power by attacking its own people with its advanced technology. The value of the Second Amendment as a counter to tyranny would become evident to the citizenry at such a time. If a “Revolution 2.0” became necessary in the United States, following the tradition of the first revolution against an unjust regime, the right to be part of a citizen militia would be instrumental in bringing down the regime effectively and with minimal harm to the people.

If a modern armed struggle was equivalent to the American Revolution, the entire nation would be represented by such a movement, and it is a fact that no nation can be isolated and destroyed by the state ruling over it. Illegitimate terrorism by isolated groups and individuals can be defeated with advanced technology, but popular armed resistance by a whole nation will always prevail over the regime.
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